C'mon. You've entered info for 42 rounds, and only entered cites for 20? That's only 47.6%. Open Source is NOT a replacement for good disclosure practices.
Tournament
Round
Report
2013babyjo
6
Opponent: Kansas Carey-Duff | Judge: Feldman
T-Armed=people not weapons
T- Treaties not T Exec Restraint CP Politics- Debt Ceiling- Econ ! Prez Powers- Existential threats !
2013babyjo
4
Opponent: Baylor Boor-Bacon | Judge: Zendeh
Exec Restraint CP Prez Powers- North Korea ! Debt Ceiling- Econ !
2013babyjo
7
Opponent: Central Oklahoma Hamm-Botkin | Judge: Lemuel
OUR INTERPRETATION: The resolution asks a yes/no question as to the desirability of the United States Federal Government action. The role of the ballot should be to affirm or reject the actions and outcomes of the plan.
1. THE TOPIC IS DEFINED BY THE PHRASE FOLLOWING THE COLON – THE UNITED STATES FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IS THE AGENT OF THE RESOLUTION, NOT THE INDIVIDUAL DEBATERS
Use of a colon before a list or an explanation that is preceded by a clause that can stand by itself. Think of the colon as a gate, inviting one to go on… If the introductory phrase preceding the colon is very brief and the clause following the colon represents the real business of the sentence, begin the clause after the colon with a capital letter.
2. "RESOLVED" EXPRESSES INTENT TO IMPLEMENT THE PLAN
noun the executive and legislative and judicial branches of the federal government of the United States
Switch side debate is good-direct engagement, not abstract relation, with identities we do not identify with is critical to us to overcome the existential resentment we feel towards those with whom we disagree. Lack of switch-side facilitates a refusal to accept that our position is within question
Glover 10 ~Robert, Professor of Political Science at University of Connecticut, Philosophy and Social Criticism, "Games without Frontiers?: Democratic Engagement, Agonistic Pluralism, and the Question of Exclusion", Vol. 36, p. asp uwyoamp~
In this vein, Connolly sees the goal of political engagement as securing a positive AND others to overcome existential resentment of this persistent condition of human being.’
The concept of simulations as an aspect of higher education, or in the law AND undoubtedly necessary, it suggests one potential direction for the years to come.
What is then the concrete relationship between hegemony and securitization from the analytical point of AND a much internalized form of behavior on the part of the state elite.
Unipolarity solves Great Power Wars- American hegemony has stewarded 60 years of great power peace in an unprecedented break from history AND the transition won’t be smooth, Roman and British/European collapse destroyed economic systems, institutions, and lead to two World Wars
Kagan 2012 ~Robert Kagan, Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution, The World America Made, 2012 uwyoamp~ We take a lot for granted about the way the world looks today—the AND it did produce was, in its own way, no less devastating.
1NC Obama is shifting from drones to detention Dillow 13 (Clay, "Obama Set To Reboot Drone Strike Policy And Retool The War On Terror ", 5/23/13, http://www.popsci.com/technology/article/2013-05/obama-set-reboot-drone-strike-policy-and-retool-war-terror-http://www.popsci.com/technology/article/2013-05/obama-set-reboot-drone-strike-policy-and-retool-war-terror) These three topics are deeply intertwined, of course. With the drawdown of troops AND to thwart terrorists rather hellfire missile strikes from unseen robots in the sky. Restricted detention leads to increased drone use Chesney 11 (Robert, Charles I. Francis Professor in Law, University of Texas School of Law, "ARTICLE: WHO MAY BE HELD? MILITARY DETENTION THROUGH THE HABEAS LENS", Boston College Law Review, 52 B.C. L. Rev 769, Lexis) The convergence thesis describes one manner in which law might respond to the cross- AND substantive grounds for detention takes place through the lens of habeas corpus litigation.
DRONES REDUCE VICTIMS OF STRIKES TO BE NON-SUBJECTS OR RISK FACTOR ALLOWING THEM CATEGORIZED AS DISPOSABLE AND EXTERMINATED IN THE ZONE OF ANOMIE
Pugliese 13 ~Joseph Pugliese, Associate Professor of Cultural Studies at Macquarie University, "State Violence and the Execution of Law", pg-, wyo-bb~ The violent biopolitical asymmetry that structures the conduct of imperial¶ drone war is graphically AND can be killed, as non- human animals are, with impunity.¶
1NC
Trading autobiographical narrative for the ballot commodifies one’s identity and has limited impact on the culture that one attempt’s to reform – when autobiographical narrative "wins," it subverts its own most radical intentions by becoming an exemplar of the very culture under indictment
Coughlin 95—associate Professor of Law, Vanderbilt Law School. (Anne, REGULATING THE SELF: AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL PERFORMANCES IN OUTSIDER SCHOLARSHIP, 81 Va. L. Rev. 1229) Although Williams is quick to detect insensitivity and bigotry in remarks made by strangers, AND publication record is itself sufficient evidence of the success of their endeavor. n200 Certainly, publication of a best seller may transform its author’s life, with the AND Sacvan Bercovitch, "to have your dissent and make it too." n205
Performance is not a mode of resistance - it gives too much power to the audience because the performer is structurally blocked from controlling the (re)presentation of their representations. Appealing to the ballot is a way of turning over one’s identity to the same reproductive economy that underwrites liberalism
Phelan 96—chair of New York University’s Department of Performance Studies (Peggy, Unmarked: the politics of performance, ed published in the Taylor 26 Francis e-Library, 2005, 146 Performance’s only life is in the present. Performance cannot be saved, recorded, documented, or otherwise participate in the circulation of representations of representations: once it does so, it becomes something other than performance. To the degree that performance attempts to enter the economy of reproduction it betrays and lessens the promise of its own ontology. Performance’s being, like the ontology of subjectivity proposed here, becomes itself through disappearance. The pressures brought to bear on performance to succumb to the laws of the reproductive AND only a spur to memory, an encouragement of memory to become present.
Our alternative is to recognize debate as a site of contingent commonality in which we can forge bonds of argumentation beyond identity—-the affirmative’s focus on subjectivity abdicates the flux of politics and debate for the incontestable truth of identity
Brown 95—prof at UC Berkely (Wendy, States of Injury, 47-51)
The postmodern exposure of the imposed and created rather than dis- covered character of AND identity, and morality and to redress our underdeveloped taste for political argument. Case
Preventing extinction is the highest ethical priority – we should take action to prevent the Other from dying FIRST, only THEN can we consider questions of value to life
Paul Wapner, associate professor and director of the Global Environmental Policy Program at American University, Winter 2003, Dissent, online: http://www.dissentmagazine.org/menutest/archives/2003/wi03/wapner.htm All attempts to listen to nature are social constructions-except one. Even the AND , they deny their own intellectual insights and compromise their fundamental moral commitment.
Realism is inevitable—states will always seek to maximize power
John Mearsheimer, Professor, University of Chicago, THE TRAGEDY OF GREAT POWER POLITICS, 2001, p. 2. The sad fact is that international politics has always been a ruthless and dangerous business AND the hegemon-that is, the only great power in the system.
Discourse doesn’t solve- need to address material conditions
Porter ’94 (Bevond Positivism: Critical Reflections on International Relations, eds. Claire Sjolander and Wayne Cox; Department of Political Science @ McMaster University, Tony, p. 118-119) A sensitivity to the role of text and rhetoric in constituting reality can provide important AND and his acknowledgement of the difficulty statesmen have in obtaining needed popular support.
American imperialism is not monolithic- has defeated the evils of Nazism
Boot, 2003 (Max, Olin senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, "American Imperialism? No Need to Run Away from Label," 5-18-2003, www.attacberlin.de/fileadmin/Sommerakademie/Boot_Imperialim_fine.pdf) The greatest danger is that we won’t use all of our power for fear of AND empire whatever we do. We might as well be a successful empire.
Their refusal to defend the consequences of the plan replicates a totalitarian disregard for life – they sacrifice political responsibility on the altar of morality, which turns the case.
Jeffrey C. Isaac, James H. Rudy Professor of Political Science and Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy and Public Life at Indiana University, Summer 2002, Social Research, "Hannah Arendt on human rights and the limits of exposure, or why Noam Chomsky is wrong about the meaning of Kosovo" What does Arendt mean here? She does not attribute primary responsibility, either causal AND plurality of the world (see Arendt, 1971: 50-54).
Scenario planning is good. In a catastrophe-ridden world—it’s vital to make predictions about the future.
Kurasawa, 2004 ~Fuyuki, Professor of Sociology at York University, "Cautionary Tales: The Global Culture of Prevention and the Work of Foresight." 2004, Constellations, Vol. 11, No. 4~ Independently of this room for maneuver and the chances of success. Humanitarian, environmental AND us, we come to be more concerned about the here and now.
There is always value to life, it is subjective—can’t determine for others
Schwartz 2004 ~"A Value to Life: Who Decides and How?" www.fleshandbones.com/readingroom/pdf/399.pdf~ Those who choose to reason on this basis hope that if the quality of a AND imperative that we must treat persons as rational and as ends in themselves.
9/29/13
Ableism K
Tournament: Dallas | Round: 2 | Opponent: UT San Antonio Colwell-Robertson | Judge: Pryor The celebration of border thinking and knowing as their advocacy places disability as the underside and opposition to knowing—resulting in ableism Ferri and May, 2005 Vivian and Beth, FIXATED ON ABILITY Questioning Ableist Metaphors in FeministTheories of Resistance, rose Studies, Vol. 27, No. 1and2 April-August 2005, pp. 120-140, http://www.academia.edu/227091/Fixated_on_Ability_Questioning_Ableist_Metaphors_in_Feminist_Theories_of_Resistance /Wyo-MB This lack of understanding of AND (able-bodied) lives and their own modes of rationality.
Alt is to vote negative for our internal critique of disability—solves all the aff and avoids the impact of marginalization that turns the case Ferri and May, 2005 Vivian and Beth, FIXATED ON ABILITY Questioning Ableist Metaphors in FeministTheories of Resistance, rose Studies, Vol. 27, No. 1and2 April-August 2005, pp. 120-140, http://www.academia.edu/227091/Fixated_on_Ability_Questioning_Ableist_Metaphors_in_Feminist_Theories_of_Resistance /Wyo-MB The bulk of our analysis AND intersubjective ethic between self and other.
1/8/14
Cap K v Anthro
Tournament: Cedanats | Round: 8 | Opponent: Binghamton Evans-Bleyle | Judge: Copenhaver ANTHROPOCENTRISM IS JUST ANOTHER FORM OF GREEN WASHING. EXPLANATIONS A NEW FRIENDLY GREEN CAPITALISM CONCERNED ABOUT THE ENVIRONMENT, THIS DISCOURSE GLOSSES OVER THE EXPLOITATION OF LABOR Cotter 12 Jennifer Cotter, “Bio-politics, Transspecies Love and/as Class Commons-Sense”, Red critique, Winter/Spring Edition 2012 http://www.redcritique.org/WinterSpring2012, wyo-bb Biopolitics in general and AND practical life" (Anti-Dühring 119).
FELLOW-FEELING OR COMPASSION ARE IMPOSSIBLE UNDER A CAPITALIST LOGIC THAT MONETIZES ALL LIFE, ENABLING THE WORST ATROCITIES IMAGINABLE KOVEL 02 Joel Kovel, Alger Hiss Professor, Social Studies, Bard College, THE ENEMY OF NATURE: THE END OF CAPITALISM OR THE END OF THE WORLD, 2002, p. 141. Capital produces egoic relations, which reproduce capital. AND the losses are regrettable necessities.
VOTE NEGATIVE TO VALIDATE AND ADOPT THE METHOD OF STRUCTURAL/HISTORICAL CRITICISM THAT IS THE 1NC.
A HISTORICAL MATERIAL ANALYSIS MUST BE THE STARTING POINT- POST HUMANITIES LEAVE BEHIND THE EXPLANATION OF DEHUMANIZATION AND THE REASON BEHIND THE DESTRUCTION OF NATURE. Faivre 12 Robert Faivre, “Fictions of the Animal; or, Learning to Live with Dehumanization”, Winter/Spring Edition of Red Critique, http://www.redcritique.org/WinterSpring2012/fictionsoftheanimal.htm, wyo-bb What is the character of humanity and AND and destruction of nature.
CAP IS ROOT CAUSE- ALIENATION OF CAPITAL FORCES HUMANITY TO DESTROY NATURE, WITHOUT KNOWLEDGE OF THE DEPTH OF THE CRISIS Kovel 11 Joel Kovel, Social Studies, Bard College, “On Marx and Ecology” Version of record first published: 10 Feb 2011, Google scholar, Date Accessed: December 2012, Pg 7-8, wyo-bb Thus our inverted world: from humanity AND a vital community.3
Their appeal to rethink being does not insert themselves ‘into the world of nature’ but rather is a deliberate escape from the social as a coping mechanism to shore up the boundaries of capitalism during its present historical crisis. At best they can win they question some effects of capital, but are INCAPABLE of resolving the system of use-value Read Blue
DeFazio 12 Kimberly DeFazio, Teaches in the English Department at the University of Wisconsin-La Crosse. Her writings have appeared in such journals as Nature, Society and Thought, and Textual Practice and in the edited collection Confronting Universalities: Aesthetics and Politics under the Sign of Globalisation., “Machine-Thinking and the Romance of Posthumanism”, Journal of Red Critique, Winter Spring of 2012 edition, http://www.redcritique.org/WinterSpring2012/machinethinkingandtheromanceofposthumanism.htm, wyo-bb Machine-thinkers, in other words, AND of material origin.
3/27/14
Cap v Ableism
Tournament: Browning | Round: 6 | Opponent: Cal State Fullerton Brooks-Stanfield | Judge: Elliott Capitalist exploitation structures all aspects of ableism and is a better explanation for the exploitation and deployment of the medical model of disability—the alternative is key to challenge the root cause of oppression Grossman, 2004 Brian, Ph.D. Student, Program in Medical Sociology, Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, University of California, San Francisco, Political economy perspectives on disability and aging: Competing or complementary frameworks?, This paper will be presented as part of the panel on Issues in Disability and Aging at the conference, Social Policy As if People Matter, to be held at Adelphi University in Garden City, NY on November 11-12, 2004, http://www.adelphi.edu/peoplematter/pdfs/Grossman.pdf /Wyo-MB Russell (1998, 2001) takes a AND against the capitalist class, a movement¶ that would bring differences together and revive public discourse.
Their focus on the social model of disability is wrong—masks capitalist exploitation as the root cause of the exploitation and exclusion of people with disabilities—the critique is key Russell and Malhotra, 2002 Marta, and Ravi, CAPITALISM AND DISABILITY, SOCIALIST REGISTER 2002, http://socialistregister.com/index.php/srv/article/viewFile/5784/2680 /Wyo-MB Having a disability AND like all other goods and services is transformed into a commodity.
The affirmative offers no explanation of why disabled people are oppressed in capitalist societies and no strategy for liberating us from the chains of that oppression. Oliver 99 (Professor Michael J. Oliver - Professor of Disability Studies University of Greenwich, London, England “Capitalism, Disability and Ideology: A Materialist Critique of the Normalization Principle” – Book: A quarter-century of normalization and social role valorization: evolution and impact (p163-173) 1999 http://www.leeds.ac.uk/disability-studies/archiveuk/Oliver/cap20dis20ideol.pdf KB) The production of disability AND services is transformed into a commodity.
Capitalism produced disability and exclusion through the creation of industrial society and the demand that the body labor like a perfect machine—the result was the creation and exclusion of disabled bodies from the workforce Russell and Malhotra, 2002 Marta, and Ravi, CAPITALISM AND DISABILITY, SOCIALIST REGISTER 2002, http://socialistregister.com/index.php/srv/article/viewFile/5784/2680 /Wyo-MB The primary oppression of AND is all too obvious.
Vote Negative to validate and adopt the method of structural/historical criticism that is the 1NC. METHOD IS THE FOREMOST POLITICAL QUESTION BECAUSE ONE MUST UNDERSTAND EXISTING SOCIAL TOTALITY BEFORE ONE CAN HOW TO ACT—GROUNDING THE SITES OF POLITICAL CONTESTATION OUTSIDE OF LABOR MERELY SERVE TO HUMANIZE CAPITAL AND PREVENT A TRANSITION BEYOND OPPRESSION TUMINO (Prof. English @ Pitt) 2001 Stephen, “What is Orthodox Marxism and Why it Matters Now More than Ever”, Red Critique, p. online wyo-tjc Any effective AND theory.
2/7/14
China Soft Power DA
Tournament: Cedanats | Round: 6 | Opponent: UT Dallas Loehr-Ogbuli | Judge: Harris Reforming drones restores US soft power Kennedy 13 (Greg, a Professor ¶ of Strategic Foreign Policy ¶ at the Defence Studies ¶ Department, King's College ¶ London, based at the Joint ¶ Services Command and Staff ¶ College, Defence Academy ¶ of the United Kingdom, in ¶ Shrivenham, “Drones: Legitimacy and Anti-Americanism,” Parameters 42(4)/43(1) Winter-Spring 2013, Strategic Studies Institute at the United States Army War College http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pubs/parameters/Issues/WinterSpring_2013/3_Article_Kennedy.pdf p. 28) The divide AND tactical expediency.
Influence in the Middle East between the US and China are zero-sum Saito 07 Henry T. Saito, 2007, Lieutenant, United States Navy , MA National Security Affairs from the Navy Postgraduate School, CHINA’S EXPANSION INTO THE MIDDLE EAST AND ITS EFFECTS ON U.S. FOREIGN POLICY , uwyoamp
In the first view, AND will be at the expense of the hegemon.
Chinese soft power is key to coax Iran into a stance that will satisfy Israeli hardliners and stop Israeli strikes.
Wiggin 12 Stuart Wiggin is a news editor at China Radio International and graduate from Oxford University majoring in modern history and politics, “Iran is crucial test of Chinese influence,” March 8, 2012, http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/2012-03/08/content_24840965.htm wyo-cjh As events in Syria continue to AND appear to be mindful of.
Israeli strikes lead to global nuclear war. -Strikes fail: intel gap and buried -Iran second strike = nuclear -Economy: stops oil -Miscalc/Escalation: Forces on nuclear alter Reuveny, 10 – professor in the School of Public and Environmental Affairs at Indiana University (Rafael, “Unilateral strike could trigger World War III, global depression” Gazette Xtra, 8/7, - See more at: http://gazettextra.com/news/2010/aug/07/con-unilateral-strike-could-trigger-world-war-iii-/#sthash.ec4zqu8o.dpuf) A unilateral Israeli strike on Iran’s AND strike could ultimately spark World War III.
3/27/14
Clothesline K
Tournament: North Texas | Round: 2 | Opponent: Idaho State Doty-Ivanovic | Judge: Burns The logic of testimony is flawed in its assumption that the confessional discourse can be controlled by and is limited in its effects on the confessing individual. Each time a woman takes a stand, her voice is recorded not as that of Jane Smith, but as that of all women. Individual testimony invariably comes to monopolize the meaning of womanhood in a way that establishes the story of greatest suffering as the highest truth of female identity. Wendy Brown, Professor of Political Theory @ UC Berkeley, 1996 (“Constitutions and 'Survivor Stories': In the 'folds of our own discourse' The Pleasures and Freedoms of Silence.” 3 U Chi L Sch Roundtable 185; swp) If, taken together, AND (Is it surprising, when we think in this vein, that there is so little feminist writing on heterosexual pleasure?)
The demand for solidarity and speaking out equate silence with weakness and forces women to participate in oppressive power structures Ruffino, 2007 Annamaria, MA Thesis @ LSU Dept of Comm. Studies, “UNCOMFORTABLE PERFORMANCES: DISCOVERING A SUBVERSIVE SCENARIO FOR RAPE DISCOURSE.” Online, http://etd.lsu.edu/docs/available/etd-04042007-131147/unrestricted/THESIS.pdf /Wyo-MB They suggest that AND A rape survivor’s two choices: confess – or repress; get named – or get shamed. Perform – or else.
The aff’s politics of visibility turn rape victims and “those who resist masculine oppression” into objects to be seen and manipulated Ruffino, 2007 Annamaria, MA Thesis @ LSU Dept of Comm. Studies, “UNCOMFORTABLE PERFORMANCES: DISCOVERING A SUBVERSIVE SCENARIO FOR RAPE DISCOURSE.” Online, http://etd.lsu.edu/docs/available/etd-04042007-131147/unrestricted/THESIS.pdf /Wyo-MB This project also throws into question the politics of visibility and invisibility specifically as questioned by Peggy Phelan. In her book, AND and problematizes Consciousness Raising as a tool of therapeutic discourse.
Confession never takes place outside the relays of power. Confessing our sins may give us some sort of emotional release but, in that action, we neglect to see how that release reinforces the will of the master and sovereign. Thus, the act of confessing becomes a perpetual relay of normalization that destroys the possibility of resistance. Each link we win is an independent case turn and reason to reject case Foucault 1978, (Michel, Former director @ the Institut Francais at Hamburg. The History of Sexuality Volume I. 1978. pgs 59-67) The confession is AND not according to the transmission of secrets, but around the slow surfacing of confidential statements.
The alternative is to Clothesline debate Clotheslines solves the aff and avoids the links to the k—allows criticism of society’s “dirty laundry” without causing personal narrativization Ruffino, 2007 Annamaria, MA Thesis @ LSU Dept of Comm. Studies, “UNCOMFORTABLE PERFORMANCES: DISCOVERING A SUBVERSIVE SCENARIO FOR RAPE DISCOURSE.” Online, http://etd.lsu.edu/docs/available/etd-04042007-131147/unrestricted/THESIS.pdf /Wyo-MB As I have addressed in .... AND ...visibility and invisibility specifically questioned by Peggy Phelan, and especially with regard to women’s bodies.
1/22/14
Debt Ceiling
Tournament: 2013babyjo | Round: 4 | Opponent: Baylor Boor-Bacon | Judge: Zendeh Obama has the upper hand on debt limit now but GOP demands could create a complicated battle Kapur, 9/9 --- TPM’s senior congressional reporter and Supreme Court correspondent (9/9/2013, Sahil, “Is House GOP Backing Down In Debt Limit Fight?” http://tpmdc.talkingpointsmemo.com/2013/09/house-gop-cantor-memo-debt-ceiling-cr-sequester-immigration.php) ¶ House Republicans are taming members’ expectations ahead of the debt limit showdown, signaling AND charge and returns us to a pre-2008 level of discretionary spending.”
Obama is pushing Congress to resolve the debt ceiling – political capital is key to success Pace 9/12 Julie, AP White House correspondent, Syria debate on hold, Obama refocuses on agenda, The Fresno Bee, 9/12/13, http://www.fresnobee.com/2013/09/12/3493538/obama-seeks-to-focus-on-domestic.html With a military strike against Syria on hold, President Barack Obama tried Thursday to AND Speaker John Boehner on Thursday said the GOP will insist on curbing spending. OCO causes contentious debates in congress-last year proves
Munoz 12 (Carlo, Staff Writer - Defense/Nat'l Security at The Hill. “Obama authorizes new cyber warfare directive” 11-4-12 http://thehill.com/blogs/defcon-hill/policy-and-strategy/267879-report-obama-authorizes-new-cyber-warfare-directive//wyoccd) The White House has, for the first time, laid out specific ground rules AND reach the president's desk, given ongoing partisan fighting over the legislation. ¶ Failure collapses the economy – goes global and past events don’t disprove Davidson 9/10 Adam, co-founder of NPR’s “Planet Money,” Our Debt to Society, New York Times, 9/10/13, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/15/magazine/our-debt-to-society.html?pagewanted=all If the debt ceiling isn’t lifted again this fall, some serious financial decisions will AND free asset more risky, the entire global economy becomes riskier and costlier. Nuclear war Friedberg and Schoenfeld 8 Aaron, Prof. Politics. And IR @ Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School and Visiting Scholar @ Witherspoon Institute, and Gabriel, Senior Editor of Commentary and Wall Street Journal, “The Dangers of a Diminished America” http://online.wsj.com/article/SB122455074012352571.html Then there are the dolorous consequences of a potential collapse of the world's financial architecture AND of these countries seek to divert attention from internal travails with external adventures.
9/28/13
Esperanto CP
Tournament: Dallas | Round: 2 | Opponent: UT San Antonio Colwell-Robertson | Judge: Pryor THE COUNTERPLAN SPILLS OVER – EACH USE OF ESPERANTO PROVIDES A SITE FOR JUSTIFICATION OF FUTURE USE, AND USE of English results in LINGUISTIC HEGEMONY THAT RELIES ON DOMINATION OF THE FEW OVER THE MANY – FLIPS THE AFF Pierre Janton (Prof. of English language and literature at the University of Clermont-Ferrand, in France) 1993 Esperanto: Language, Literature, and Community, p. 131-2, loghry
Outside the movement, AND while Esperanto is essentially universal.
1/8/14
Exclude veterans who commit sexual assault PIC v Georgia State FF
Tournament: Texas | Round: 1 | Opponent: Georgia State Finch-Floyd | Judge: Young TRIGGER WARNING The following content may be disturbing to survivors of sexual assault. Narrative about sexual assault in the military From The Times Union, on February 6th: David McCumber, journalist, Military sex assault survivors speak out for Gillibrand reform bill, http://www.timesunion.com/news/article/Military-sex-assault-survivors-speak-out-for-5212624.php, uwyoamp
They were both AND Thompson told the senators.
Thus, our counter-advocacy statement. In this round, we should welcome military veterans except those who have committed sexual assault and/or rape. The Net Benefit: Having to confront your attacker causes trauma that turns the aff Kat, 2009 Pandora’s Project, Having to See Your Abuser:For Rape and Sexual Abuse Survivors, http://www.pandys.org/articles/seeingyourabuser.html /Wyo-MB ¶ Survivors of AND and wearing this “mask” can feel nearly impossible when we are around our abusers.
2/14/14
Iran Politics
Tournament: Shirley | Round: 5 | Opponent: Indiana Murphy-Patel | Judge: Watson Congressional moves to reclaim war power authority triggers the war power and politics disad William Howell, Sydney Stein professor in American politics at the University of Chicago, 9/3/13, All Syria Policy Is Local, www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/09/03/all_syria_policy_is_local_obama_congress?page=full
From a political standpoint, AND expanding the circle of decision-makers. But don't count on it to remain open for especially long.
Rest assured however, AND that might jeopardize shipping routes. No proposed deal addresses these threats or those that may emerge elsewhere (as in Western Afghanistan, for example).
1/3/14
Irigaray
Tournament: Shirley | Round: 8 | Opponent: Trinity Rothenbaum-Solice | Judge: Shook Egalitarian politics is not real and not possible within the confines of the nation state- the state demands that woman give up her sexual difference to become a citizen, to become “neuter”, and to become incorporated into the masculine universal- women cannot participate in the law or judicial circuits because they have no language Fermon 98 Nicole Ferman, 1998, Women on the Global Market: Irigaray and the Democratic State, Diacritics, Vol. 28, No. 1, Irigaray and the Political Future of Sexual Difference¶ (Spring, 1998), pp. 120-137¶ uwyoamp
Best known for her subtle AND SG 120; ILTY 129.
splitting of the atom is a symptom of man’s persistence in his refusal to reunite with and affirm his body and the female body-only through this affirmation does the destruction of humynkind become unthinkable Irigaray 85 Luce Irigaray, 1985, “An Ethics of Sexual Difference”, uwyoamp
To forget being is to AND are beyond our capacities as mortals.
The alternative is to reject the a*ffirmative’s masculine, universal silence and instead affirm a radical ethics of sexual difference that comes to grips with the sexual violence of the-+ 1AC. Irigaray 85 Luce Irigaray, 1985, “An Ethics of Sexual Difference”, uwyoamp
Sexual difference AND , is sexed.
1/3/14
K of Butler
Tournament: 2013babyjo | Round: 7 | Opponent: Central Oklahoma Hamm-Botkin | Judge: Lemuel Their aff wedded to the system it critiques. Butler’s critical public plays never question its foundations. The aff is a recipe capitalist domination. Paul Smith, Professor of Cultural Studies at George Mason University, 2004, symploke, Vol. 12, No. 1-2, p. 259-260 What all this amounts to, as I'm sure many other commentators have seen and AND in a precarious state if this liberalism were its proper and uncontested location. ? Their focus on subjects excluded from normative conceptions of the human and focus on representations gives rise to a politics in which people whose identities are defined by class and capitalism and have no relation to ‘normative conceptions of the human’ are excluded from view. Paul Smith, Professor of Cultural Studies at George Mason University, 2004, symploke, Vol. 12, No. 1-2, p. 256-257 The nub of all this comes early in the book, when Butler proposes to AND political economy, Butler doesn't in fact want anything to do with it. Debate is about which activist strategy to endorse because Butler produces tradeoffs- Butler’s refusal to interrogate the conditions of contemporary capitalism make her politics a drain on anti-capitalist resistance Brett Neilson, senior lecturer in the School of Humanities at the University of Western Sydney and a member of the Centre for Cultural Research, and Ned Rossiter, senior lecturer at the Centre for Media Research, University of Ulster and adjuct research fellow at the Centre for Cultural Research, University of Western Sydney, September 2005, Fiberculture, Issue 5, online: http://www.journal.fibreculture.org/issue5/neilson_rossiter.html, accessed October 1, 2006 Undoubtedly, current perceptions of insecurity are complex and cannot be traced to a single AND seeks to reach beyond the limits of precarity as a strategy of organisation.
9/28/13
NDT - 1NC - K - Cap
Tournament: NDT | Round: 3 | Opponent: OU BC | Judge: Kelly Winfrey, Matthew Vega, Malcolm Gordon Basing politics on the gratuitous violence of racism usurps understanding of political economy—this legitimizes neoliberal ideology and mystifies class antagonism Reed 2013 – professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania, specializing in race and American politics. He has taught at Yale, Northwestern and the New School for Social Research. An expert on racial and economic inequality, he is a founding member of the Labor Party and a frequent contributor to The Nation (2/25, Adolph, Nonsite, “Django Unchained, or, The Help: How “Cultural Politics” Is Worse Than No Politics at All, and Why”, http://nonsite.org/feature/django-unchained-or-the-help-how-cultural-politics-is-worse-than-no-politics-at-all-and-why) In both films the … as inauthentic or corrupt.
Judy’s affect approach links back to the capitalist system. Hiphopocracy, 12 (“If This Is Your First Time Hearing This”: Listening in on The College Dropout in the (Privileged) DECEMBER 14, 2012 College Classroom, https://hiphopocracy.wordpress.com/tag/r-a-t-judy/) KH Unlike Judy and Ice-T, however, … commodifies young black men.
FELLOW-FEELING OR COMPASSION ARE IMPOSSIBLE UNDER A CAPITALIST LOGIC -IT MONETIZES ALL LIFE, ENABLING THE WORST ATROCITIES IMAGINABLE Kovel 02 Joel Kovel, Alger Hiss Professor, Social Studies, Bard College, THE ENEMY OF NATURE: THE END OF CAPITALISM OR THE END OF THE WORLD, 2002, p. 141. Capital produces egoic … losses are regrettable necessities.
Vote Negative to validate and adopt the method of structural/historical criticism that is the 1NC.
METHOD IS THE FOREMOST POLITICAL QUESTION BECAUSE ONE MUST UNDERSTAND EXISTING SOCIAL TOTALITY BEFORE ONE CAN HOW TO ACT—GROUNDING THE SITES OF POLITICAL CONTESTATION OUTSIDE OF LABOR MERELY SERVE TO HUMANIZE CAPITAL AND PREVENT A TRANSITION BEYOND OPPRESSION TUMINO (Prof. English @ Pitt) 2001 Stephen, “What is Orthodox Marxism and Why it Matters Now More than Ever”, Red Critique, p. online wyo-tjc Any effective political theory … social theory.
3/28/14
NDT - 1NC - K - MartinoZupancic
Tournament: NDT | Round: 3 | Opponent: OU BC | Judge: Kelly Winfrey, Matthew Vega, Malcolm Gordon The 1ac’s uses representations of pain and suffering. This replicates the impact of whiteness and is a reason to vote negative—sutures the suffering and violence of lynching onto identitfy makes engagement impossible David Marriott 2000 (On Black Men: ‘I’m gonna borer me a Kodak’:Photography and Lynching pages 12-14) They are public … men have done.
The alternative is to do the affirmative except their images of suffering
Forgetting those representations is key to active engagement with the world Zupancic, 2003 (Alenka, Philosopher, “The Shortest Shadow: Nietzche’s philosophy of the two” Online, MB) It is true that … and mortify our (new) passion.
3/28/14
NDT - 1NC - T - FW
Tournament: NDT | Round: 3 | Opponent: OU BC | Judge: Kelly Winfrey, Matthew Vega, Malcolm Gordon Most predictable—the agent and verb indicate a debate about hypothetical government action Jon M Ericson 3, Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4 The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future … that you propose.
Debate over a controversial point of action creates argumentative stasis—the USFG should statement of the resolution is the approach that fosters the largest internal link to decision making Steinberg and Freely 08 (David L., lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Austin J.,Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, “Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making” p. 45wyoccd) Debate is a means …the following discussion.
We don’t say the state is ALWAYS good or necessary for all politics—however on the contingent question of targeted killing we must engage the state because they are the only institution that engages in targeted killing. Debate over war powers allows for an engaged public that can expose the hypocrisy of the federal government—critical to exposing violence and the momentum for change Mellor 13 The Australian National University, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, Department Of International Relations, “Why policy relevance is a moral necessity: Just war theory, impact, and UAVs,” European University Institute, Paper Prepared for BISA Conference 2013, DOA: 8-14-13 This section of … necessary for democratic politics.52
3/28/14
NDT Rnd 2 1nc vs Rutgers HS
Tournament: NDT | Round: 2 | Opponent: Rutgers HS | Judge: Eisendstadt, Copenhaver, Brass F/W a. Interpretation and violation---the affirmative should defend the desirability of topical government action Most predictable—the agent and verb indicate a debate about hypothetical government action Jon M Ericson 3, Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4 The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action In policy propositions, each topic contains AND compelling reasons for an audience to perform the future action that you propose.
b. Vote neg Preparation and clash—changing the topic post facto manipulates balance of prep, which structurally favors the aff because they speak last and permute alternatives—strategic fairness is key to engaging a well-prepared opponent. This is amplified when their advocacy is end the targeted killing of black people. It is impossible to be negative against this statement without the ability to debate the mechanism that ends that killing—the ground is indefensible Education/Ground—the topic is not the targeted killing good/bad topic but the legal topic about war powers—debates about the HOW of the topic are most important—reason we switch topics each year Topical fairness requirements are key to effective dialogue—monopolizing strategy and prep makes the discussion one-sided and subverts any meaningful neg role Debate over a controversial point of action creates argumentative stasis—the USFG should statement of the resolution is the approach that fosters the largest internal link to decision making Steinberg and Freely 08 (David L., lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Austin J.,Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, “Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making” p. 45wyoccd) Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a difference of AND particular point of difference, which will be outlined in the following discussion. Simulated national security law debates preserve agency and enhance decision-making---avoids cooption Laura K. Donohue 13, Associate Professor of Law, Georgetown Law, 4/11, “National Security Law Pedagogy and the Role of Simulations”, http://jnslp.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/National-Security-Law-Pedagogy-and-the-Role-of-Simulations.pdf The concept of simulations as an aspect of higher education, or in the law AND undoubtedly necessary, it suggests one potential direction for the years to come. Switch side debate is good-direct engagement, not abstract relation, with identities we do not identify with is critical to us to overcome the existential resentment we feel towards those with whom we disagree. Lack of switch-side facilitates a refusal to accept that our position is within question Glover 10 Robert, Professor of Political Science at University of Connecticut, Philosophy and Social Criticism, “Games without Frontiers?: Democratic Engagement, Agonistic Pluralism, and the Question of Exclusion”, Vol. 36, p. asp uwyoamp
In this vein, Connolly sees the goal of political engagement as securing a positive AND others to overcome existential resentment of this persistent condition of human being.’ We don’t say the state is ALWAYS good or necessary for all politics—however on the contingent question of targeted killing we must engage the state because they are the only institution that engages in targeted killing. Debate over war powers allows for an engaged public that can expose the hypocrisy of the federal government—critical to exposing violence and the momentum for change Mellor 13 The Australian National University, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, Department Of International Relations, “Why policy relevance is a moral necessity: Just war theory, impact, and UAVs,” European University Institute, Paper Prepared for BISA Conference 2013, DOA: 8-14-13 This section of the paper considers more generally the need for just war theorists to AND the public engagement and political activism that are necessary for democratic politics.52
Wendy Brown Trading autobiographical narrative for the ballot commodifies one’s identity and has limited impact on the culture that one attempt’s to reform – when autobiographical narrative “wins,” it subverts its own most radical intentions by becoming an exemplar of the very culture under indictment Coughlin 95—associate Professor of Law, Vanderbilt Law School. (Anne, REGULATING THE SELF: AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL PERFORMANCES IN OUTSIDER SCHOLARSHIP, 81 Va. L. Rev. 1229) Although Williams is quick to detect insensitivity and bigotry in remarks made by strangers, AND Sacvan Bercovitch, "to have your dissent and make it too." n205
Narrative methodology fails- reflects the dominant values because subject and discourse are PRODUCED by those values and isn’t disruptive because places limitations on meaning- the aff is inherently conservative Coughlin 1995 Anne, Lewis F. Powell, Jr. Prof of Law @ the University of Virginia from 1996-present, co-chair of the National Association of Women Lawyers Supreme Court Evaluation Committee and Amicus Committee, was Associate Professor of Law @ Vanderbilt Law School 1991-1995, “Regulating the Self:Autobiographical Performances in Outsider Scholarship, ”Virginia Law Review”, August edition uwyoamp For outsiders, autobiography would seem to be a foolproof strat- ¶ egy for AND of unassailable dogma, the new tale ¶ that wags our legal discourse. Our alternative is to recognize debate as a site of contingent commonality in which we can forge bonds of argumentation beyond identity---the affirmative’s focus on subjectivity abdicates the flux of politics and debate for the incontestable truth of identity Brown 95—prof at UC Berkeley (Wendy, States of Injury, 47-51) The postmodern exposure of the imposed and created rather than dis- covered character of AND identity, and morality and to redress our underdeveloped taste for political argument. Case Confession never takes place outside the relays of power. Confessing our sins may give us some sort of emotional release but, in that action, we neglect to see how that release reinforces the will of the master and sovereign. Thus, the act of confessing becomes a perpetual relay of normalization that destroys the possibility of resistance. Each link we win is an independent case turn and reason to reject case Foucault 1978, (Michel, Former director @ the Institut Francais at Hamburg. The History of Sexuality Volume I. 1978. pgs 59-67) The confession is a ritual of discourse in which the speaking subject is also the AND the transmission of secrets, but around the slow surfacing of confidential statements.
This form of disciplinary power turns the aff—confession becomes justification for the demand for truth and control Foucault 1978, (Michel, Former director @ the Institut Francais at Hamburg. The History of Sexuality Volume I. 1978. pgs 59-67) In any case, next to the testing rituals, next to the testi¬mony of AND imbue with relations of power. The confession is an example of this. Confession creates a relationship of the submissive confess and a dominant receiver of the confession. The dominator judges, intervenes and attains the power to determine what the confession means. This reifies relations of dominance and submission and a continuance of existing hierarchies Anne Coughlin, Associate Prof. of Law @ Vanderbilt Law School. Virginia Law Review. August 1995. “Regulating the Self: Autobiographical Performances in Outsider Scholarship. L/N. Like so many of the autobiographical practices to which the outsider storytellers have recourse, AND another instance of the traditional deployment of the confessional to regulate women's sexuality.
Trading autobiographical narrative for the ballot commodifies one’s identity and has limited impact on the culture that one attempt’s to reform – when autobiographical narrative “wins,” it subverts its own most radical intentions by becoming an exemplar of the very culture under indictment Coughlin 95—associate Professor of Law, Vanderbilt Law School. (Anne, REGULATING THE SELF: AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL PERFORMANCES IN OUTSIDER SCHOLARSHIP, 81 Va. L. Rev. 1229) Although Williams is quick to detect insensitivity and bigotry in remarks made by strangers, AND Sacvan Bercovitch, "to have your dissent and make it too." n205
Resistance via the ballot can only instill an adaptive politics of being and effaces the institutional constraints that reproduce structural violence Brown 95—prof at UC Berkeley (Wendy, States of Injury, 21-3) For some, fueled by opprobrium toward regulatory norms or other mo- dalities of AND so forms an important element of legitimacy for the antidemocratic dimensions of liberalism.
3/28/14
NDT Rnd 2 1nr vs Rutgers HS
Tournament: NDT | Round: 2 | Opponent: Rutgers HS | Judge: Eisendstadt, Copenhaver, Brass 2NC – Alt Overview Our alternative of recognizing debate as a site of contingent commonality solves 100 of the affirmative— We should not start from an individuals narrative because it a selfish form of politics that reinforces a constant monitoring of the self, instead of what is best for our community. That is bad- because people in debate only focus on what is best for them, which is why our community is in chaos. Instead of focusing on the harms of the affirmative, we need to focus on what WE can do to solve the community and the alternative is the first necessarily step in that process. We need a communal form of politics— Brown explains that public argumentation should not be a method to overcome our situatedness, but a method that allows us to assume responsibility over our common situations and to mobilize a collective discourse that will advance a politics of accountability to others. The alternative allows us to start from the position of “what we want” for our community rather than from “who I am” within this community. Only our method has potential for radical change while the affirmative will become lost through the process of commodification. Refusing the permanence of the ballot is the only way to maintain the singularity of the aff’s performance---voting aff commodifies their performance which can only result in its fetishization by external forces Phelan 96—chair of New York University's Department of Performance Studies (Peggy, Unmarked: the politics of performance, ed published in the Taylor and Francis e-Library, 2005, 19) I am speaking here of an active vanishing, a deliberate and conscious refusal to take the payoff of visibility. For the moment, active disappearance usually requires at least some recognition of what and who is not there to be effective. (In short, this has largely been apossibility for white middle- and upper-class women.) A group of women artists and feminist theorists in New York callthemselves the Guerrilla Girls. They make posters and signs underliningthe everyday racist and sexist practices which constitute business asusual in the mainstream art market. They take the real facts of exhibitionspace, art market prices, and the sexist and racist policies which have influenced the collections of most galleries and museums, as the ground of their representational strategies. Much of this work is witty and wry.In their poster straightforwardly listing the ten advantages of being awoman artist, for example, one benefit is the relief of never having toworry about being labeled a genius. While their work has become increasingly lauded by both establishment and anti-establishment criticsand art world commentators, the Guerrilla Girls continue to remain anonymous. When they do make appearances, they wear gorilla masks and mini-skirts. By refusing to participate in the visibility-is-currency economy which determines value in “the art world,” the members of the group resist the fetishization of their argument that many are, at themoment, quite ready to undertake. By resisting visible identities, the Guerrilla Girls mark the failure of the gaze to possess, and arrest, their work. Their posters go up with glue on temporary construction sites, onthe sides of buildings, on the doors of closed galleries. They remain thereuntil other messages, often advertisements, overtake them. Underneaththe new representations, the racist and sexist “facts” of the Guerrilla Girls’ real continue to “exist,” while remaining obscured. Always failing to keep the real in view, representation papers it over and reproduces other representations.
We solve better than the aff- reason you can vote neg on questions of competing methodologies There exists an intrinsic antagonism in debate – on one side, debate is always shaped by strategy, winning, and debate theory. The other side is the desire to influence a larger public. The aff’s desire to change the debate community is always shaped by the norms of debate. Your aff will never be receptive to the larger public. We should view outside of the academy as more important than our debate spaces Welsh 12 Scott Department of Communication Appalachian State University (“Coming to Terms with the Antagonism between Rhetorical Reflection and Political Agency”, Philosophy and Rhetoric, Vol. 45, No. 1, 2012, Jstor) Giroux’s concluding words, in which scholars reclaim the promises of a truly global democratic future, echo Ono and Sloop’s construction of scholarship as the politically embedded pursuit of utopia, McKerrow’s academic emancipation of the oppressed, McGee’s social surgery, Hartnett’s social justice scholar, and Fuller’s agent of justice. Each aims to unify the competing elements within the scholarly subject position—scholarly reflection and political agency—by reducing the former to the latter. Žižek’s advice is to consider how such attempts are always doomed to frustration, not because ideals are hard to live up to but because of the impossibility of resolving the antagonism central to the scholarly subject position. The titles “public intellectual” and “critical rhetorician” attest to the fundamental tension. “Public” and “rhetorician” both represent the aspiration to political engagement, while “critical” and “intellectual” set the scholar apart from noncritical, nonintellectual public rhetoric. However, rather than allowing the contingently articulated terms to exist in a state of paradoxical tension, these authors imagine an organic, unavoidable, necessary unity. The scholar is, in one moment, wholly public and wholly intellectual, wholly critical and wholly rhetorical, wholly scholar and wholly citizen—an impossible unity, characteristic of the sublime, in which the antagonism vanishes (2005, 147). Yet, as Žižek predicts, the sublime is the impossible. The frustration producing gap between the unity of the ideological sublime and conflicted experience quickly begins to put pressure on the ideology. This is born out in the shift from the exhilarated tone accompanying the birth of critical rhetoric (and its liberation of rhetoric scholarship from the incoherent and untenable demands of scientific objectivity) to a dispirited accounting for the difficulty of actually embodying the imagined unity of scholarly reflection and political agency. Simonson, for example, draws attention to the gap, noting how, twenty years later, it is hard to resist the feeling that “the bulk of our academic publishing is utterly inconsequential.” His hope is that a true connection between scholarly reflection and political agency may be possible outside of academia (2010, 95). Fuller approaches this conclusion when he says that the preferred path to filling universities with agents of justice is through “scaling back the qualifications needed for tenure-stream posts from the doctorate to the master’s degree,” a way of addressing the antagonism that amounts to setting half of it afloat (2006, 154). Hartnett is especially interesting because while he also insists on the existence of the gap, dismissing “many” of his “colleagues” as merely dispensing “politically vacuous truisms” or, worse, as serving as “tools of the state” and “humanities-based journals” as “impenetrably dense” and filled with “jargon-riddled nonsense,” he evinces a considerable impatience with the audiences he must engage as a social justice scholar (2010, 69, 74–75). In addition to reducing those populating the mass media to a cabal of “rotten corporate hucksters,” Hartnett rejects vernacular criticisms of his activism as “ranting and raving by fools,” and chafes at becoming “a target for yahoos of all stripes” (87, 84). In other words, the gap is not only recognized on the academic side of the ledger but appears on the public side as well; the public (in the vernacular sense of the word) does not yield to the desire of the social justice scholar. Or, as Žižek puts it, referencing Lacan, “You never look at me from the place in which I see you” (1991, 126). More telling still, Hartnett’s main examples of social justice scholars are either retired or located outside of academia (2010, 86). As Simonson suggests, and Hartnett implicitly concedes, it may well be that it really is only outside the academy that there can be immediate, material, political consequences.
And, Even if the alternative doesn’t solve, the disads to their method are reasons to reject the performance of the 1AC- and you should evaluate them as independent case-turns Link O/V 1st, Coughlin 95 says the politics of the aff fail- the status quo of debate defines the limits of what is acceptable or worth representing within debate narratives- this already imposed limitation reveals the lack of subversive potential within the aff- if the limits are already set, then radical solutions will never emerge and the squo will never change Performance is not a mode of resistance – it gives too much power to the audience because the performer is structurally blocked from controlling the (re)presentation of their representations. Appealing to the ballot is a way of turning over one’s identity to the same reproductive economy that underwrites liberalism Peggy Phelan 96, chair of New York University's Department of Performance Studies, Unmarked: the politics of performance, 146-9 146 Performance’s only life is in the present. Performance cannot be saved, recorded, documented, or otherwise participate in the circulation of representations of representations: once it does so, it becomes something other than performance. To the degree that performance attempts to enter the economy of reproduction it betrays and lessens the promise of its own ontology. Performance’s being, like the ontology of subjectivityproposed here, becomes itself through disappearance.¶ The pressures brought to bear on performance to succumb to thelaws of the reproductive economy are enormous. For only rarely in this culture is the “now” to which performance addresses its deepest questions valued. (This is why the now is supplemented and buttressedby the documenting camera, the video archive.) Performance occursover a time which will not be repeated. It can be performed again, butthis repetition itself marks it as “different.” The document of a performance then is only a spur to memory, an encouragement of memory to become present.¶ The other arts, especially painting and photography, are drawnincreasingly toward performance. The French-born artist Sophie Calle,for example, has photographed the galleries of the Isabella StewartGardner Museum in Boston. Several valuable paintings were stolen fromthe museum in 1990. Calle interviewed various visitors and membersof the muse um staff, asking them to describe the stolen paintings. She then transcribed these texts and placed them next to the photographs of the galleries. Her work suggests that the descriptions and memories of the paintings constitute their continuing “presence,” despite the absence of the paintings themselves. Calle gestures toward a notion of the interactive exchange between the art object and the viewer. While such exchanges are often recorded as the stated goals of museums and galleries, the institutional effect of the gallery often seems to put the masterpiece under house arrest, controlling all conflicting and unprofessional commentary about it. The speech act of memory and description (Austin’s constative utterance) becomes a performative expression when Calle places these commentaries within the¶ 147¶ representation of the museum. The descriptions fill in, and thus supplement (add to, defer, and displace) the stolen paintings. The factthat these descriptions vary considerably—even at times wildly—onlylends credence to the fact that the interaction between the art objectand the spectator is, essentially, performative—and therefore resistantto the claims of validity and accuracy endemic to the discourse of reproduction. While the art historian of painting must ask if thereproduction is accurate and clear, Calle asks where seeing and memoryforget the object itself and enter the subject’s own set of personalmeanings and associations. Further her work suggests that the forgetting(or stealing) of the object is a fundamental energy of its descriptiverecovering. The description itself does not reproduce the object, it ratherhelps us to restage and restate the effort to remember what is lost. Thedescriptions remind us how loss acquires meaning and generatesrecovery—not only of and for the object, but for the one who remembers.The disappearance of the object is fundamental to performance; itrehearses and repeats the disappearance of the subject who longs alwaysto be remembered.¶ For her contribution to the Dislocations show at the Museum of Modern Art in New York in 1991, Calle used the same idea but this time she asked curators, guards, and restorers to describe paintings that were on loan from the permanent collection. She also asked them to draw small pictures of their memories of the paintings. She then arranged the texts and pictures according to the exact dimensions of the circulating paintings and placed them on the wall where the actual paintings usually hang. Calle calls her piece Ghosts, and as the visitor discovers Calle’s work spread throughout the museum, it is as if Calle’s own eye is following and tracking the viewer as she makes her way through the museum.1 Moreover, Calle’s work seems to disappear because it is dispersed throughout the “permanent collection”—a collection which circulates despite its “permanence.” Calle’s artistic contribution is a kind of self-concealment in which she offers the words of others about other works of art under her own artistic signature. By making visible her attempt to offer what she does not have, what cannot be seen, Calle subverts the goal of museum display. She exposes what the museum does not have and cannot offer and uses that absence to generate her own work. By placing memories in the place of paintings, Calle asks that the ghosts of memory be seen as equivalent to “the permanent collection” of “great works.” One senses that if she asked the same people over and over about the same paintings, each time they would describe a slightly different painting. In this sense, Calle demonstrates the performative quality of all seeing.¶ 148¶ I Performance in a strict ontological sense is nonreproductive. It is this quality which makes performance the runt of the litter of contemporary art. Performance clogs the smooth machinery of reproductive representation necessary to the circulation of capital. Perhaps nowhere was the affinity between the ideology of capitalism and art made more manifest than in the debates about the funding policies for the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA).2 Targeting both photography and performance art, conservative politicians sought to prevent endorsing the “real” bodies implicated and made visible by these art forms. Performance implicates the real through the presence of living bodies. In performance art spectatorship there is an element of consumption: there are no left-overs, the gazing spectator must try to take everything in. Without a copy, live performance plunges into visibility—in a maniacally charged present—and disappears into memory, into the realm of invisibility and the unconscious where it eludes regulation and control. Performance resists the balanced circulations of finance. It saves nothing; it only spends. While photography is vulnerable to charges of counterfeiting and copying, performance art is vulnerable to charges of valuelessness and emptiness. Performance indicates the possibility of revaluing that emptiness; this potential revaluation gives performance art its distinctive oppositional edge.3 To attempt to write about the undocumentable event of performance is to invoke the rules of the written document and thereby alter the event itself. Just as quantum physics discovered that macro-instruments cannot measure microscopic particles without transforming those particles, so too must performance critics realize that the labor to write about performance (and thus to “preserve” it) is also a labor that fundamentally alters the event. It does no good, however, to simply refuse to write about performance because of this inescapable transformation. The challenge raised by the ontological claims of performance for writing is to re-mark again the performative possibilities of writing itself. The act of writing toward disappearance, rather than the act of writing toward preservation, must remember that the after-effect of disappearance is the experience of subjectivity itself. This is the project of Roland Barthes in both Camera Lucida and Roland Barthes by Roland Barthes. It is also his project in Empire of Signs, but in this book he takes the memory of a city in which he no longer is, a city from which he disappears, as the motivation for the search for a disappearing performative writing. The trace left by that script is the meeting-point of a mutual disappearance; shared subjectivity is possible for Barthes because two people can recognize the same Impossible. To live for a love whose goal is to share the Impossible is both a humbling project and an exceedingly ambitious one, for it seeks to find connection only in that which is no longer there. Memory. Sight. Love. It must involve a full seeing of the Other’s absence (the ambitious part), a seeing which also entails the acknowledgment of the Other’s presence (the humbling part). For to acknowledge the Other’s (always partial) presence is to acknowledge one’s own (always partial) absence. In the field of linguistics, the performative speech act shares with the ontology of performance the inability to be reproduced or repeated. “Being an individual and historical act, a performative utterance cannot be repeated. Each reproduction is a new act performed by someone who is qualified. Otherwise, the reproduction of the performative utterance by someone else necessarily transforms it into a constative utterance.”4 ¶ 149¶ Writing, an activity which relies on the reproduction of the Same(the three letters cat will repeatedly signify the four-legged furry animalwith whiskers) for the production of meaning, can broach the frame of performance but cannot mimic an art that is nonreproductive. Themimicry of speech and writing, the strange process by which we put words in each other’s mouths and others’ words in our own, relies on a substitutional economy in which equivalencies are assumed and re-established. Performance refuses this system of exchange and resists the circulatory economy fundamental to it. Performance honors the idea that a limited number of people in a specific time/space frame can have an experience of value which leaves no visible trace afterward. Writing about it necessarily cancels the “tracelessness” inaugurated within this performative promise. Performance’s independence from mass reproduction, technologically, economically, and linguistically, is its greatest strength. But buffeted by the encroaching ideologies of capitaland reproduction, it frequently devalues this strength. Writing aboutperformance often, unwittingly, encourages this weakness and falls inbehind the drive of the document/ary. Performance’s challenge to writingis to discover a way for repeated words to become performative utterances, rather than, as Benveniste warned, constative utterances.
the problem with autobiography as politics is that you cannot control the ways in which the audience will USE your narrative after this round- some debaters have coopted others personal experiences in debate WITHOUT permission and used them in debates to win rounds only to find out later that their story was misconstrued or not accurately reflected which is a violent form of commodification. The politics of identity is reactionary which ultimately creates an attachment to the status of oppression---the affirmative’s emphasis on exclusion from Whiteness perversely recreate those as valorized ideals Bhambra 10—U Warwick—AND—Victoria Margree—School of Humanities, U Brighton (Identity Politics and the Need for a ‘Tomorrow’, http://www.academia.edu/471824/Identity_Politics_and_the_Need_for_a_Tomorrow_) 2 The Reification of Identity We wish to turn now to a related problem within identity politicsthat can be best described as the problem of the rei?cation of politicised identities. Brown (1995) positions herself within thedebate about identity politics by seeking to elaborate on “the wounded character of politicised identity’s desire” (ibid: 55); thatis, the problem of “wounded attachments” whereby a claim to identity becomes over-invested in its own historical suffering and perpetuates its injury through its refusal to give up its identity claim. Brown’s argument is that where politicised identity is founded upon an experience of exclusion, for example, exclusion itself becomes perversely valorised in the continuance of that identity. In such cases, group activity operates to maintain and reproduce the identity created by injury (exclusion) rather than– and indeed, often in opposition to – resolving the injurious social relations that generated claims around that identity in the ?rst place. If things have to have a history in order to have af uture, then the problem becomes that of how history is con-structed in order to make the future. To the extent that, for Brown, identity is associated primarily with (historical) injury, the future for that identity is then already determined by the injury “as both bound to the history that produced it and as a reproach to the present which embodies that history” (ibid 1995: 73). Brown’s sug-gestion that as it is not possible to undo the past, the focus back- wards entraps the identity in reactionary practices, is, we believe,too stark and we will pursue this later in the article. Politicised identity, Brown maintains, “emerges and obtains its unifying coherence through the politicisation of exclusion from an ostensible universal, as a protest against exclusion” (ibid: 65). Its continuing existence requires both a belief in the legitimacy of the universal ideal (for example, ideals of opportunity, and re- ward in proportion to effort) and enduring exclusion from those ideals. Brown draws upon Nietzsche in arguing that such identi-ties, produced in reaction to conditions of disempowerment andinequality, then become invested in their own impotence through practices of, for example, reproach, complaint, and revenge. These are “reactions” in the Nietzschean sense since they are substitutes for actions or can be seen as negative forms of action. Rather than acting to remove the cause(s) of suffering, that suf-fering is instead ameliorated (to some extent) through “the estab-lishment of suffering as the measure of social virtue” (ibid 1995:70), and is compensated for by the vengeful pleasures of recrimnation. Such practices, she argues, stand in sharp distinction to –in fact, provide obstacles to – practices that would seek to dispel the conditions of exclusion. Brown casts the dilemma discussed above in terms of a choicebetween past and future, and adapting Nietzsche, exhorts theadoption of a (collective) will that would become the “redeemer of history” (ibid: 72) through its focus on the possibilities of creat-ing different futures. As Brown reads Nietzsche, the one thingthat the will cannot exert its power over is the past, the “it was”.Confronted with its impotence with respect to the events of thepast, the will is threatened with becoming simply an “angry spec-tator” mired in bitter recognition of its own helplessness. The onehope for the will is that it may, instead, achieve a kind of mastery over that past such that, although “what has happened” cannotbe altered, the past can be denied the power of continuing to de-termine the present and future. It is only this focus on the future, Brown continues, and the capacity to make a future in the face of human frailties and injustices that spares us from a rancorous decline into despair. Identity politics structured by ressentiment – that is, by suffering caused by past events – can only break outof the cycle of “slave morality” by remaking the present againstthe terms of the past, a remaking that requires a “forgetting” of that past. An act of liberation, of self-af?rmation, this “forgettingof the past” requires an “overcoming” of the past that offers iden-tity in relationship to suffering, in favour of a future in whichidentity is to be de?ned differently. In arguing thus, Brown’s work becomes aligned with a posi-tion that sees the way forward for emancipatory politics as re-siding in a movement away from a “politics of memory” (Kilby 2002: 203) that is committed to articulating past injustices andsuffering. While we agree that investment in identities prem-ised upon suffering can function as an obstacle to alleviating the causes of that suffering, we believe that Brown’s argument as outlined is problematic. First, following Kilby (2002), we share a concern about any turn to the future that is ?gured as a complete abandonment of the past. This is because for those who have suffered oppression and exclusion, the injunction to give up articulating a pain that is still felt may seem cruel and impossible to meet. We would argue instead that the “turn to the future” that theorists such as Brown and Grosz callfor, to revitalise feminism and other emancipatory politics, need not be conceived of as a brute rejection of the past. Indeed, Brown herself recognises the problems involved here, stating that since erased histories and historical invisibility are themselves suchintegral elements of the pain inscribed in most subjugated identitiesthen the counsel of forgetting, at least in its unreconstructedNietzschean form, seems inappropriate if not cruel (1995: 74). She implies, in fact, that the demand exerted by those in painmay be no more than the demand to exorcise that pain throughrecognition: “all that such pain may long for – more than revenge– is the chance to be heard into a certain release, recognised intoself-overcoming, incited into possibilities for triumphing over, and hence, losing itself” (1995: 74-75). Brown wishes to establish the political importance of remembering “painful” historical events but with a crucial caveat: that the purpose of remembering pain is to enable its release . The challenge then, according to her,is to create a political culture in which this project does not mutate into one of remembering pain for its own sake. Indeed, if Brown feels that this may be “a pass where we ought to part with Nietzsche” (1995: 74), then Freud may be a more suit-able companion. Since his early work with Breuer, Freud’s writ-ings have suggested the (only apparent) paradox that remember-ing is often a condition of forgetting. The hysterical patient, who is doomed to repeat in symptoms and compulsive actions a past she cannot adequately recall, is helped to remember that trau-matic past in order then to move beyond it: she must remember inorder to forget and to forget in order to be able to live in the present. 7 This model seems to us to be particularly helpful for thedilemma articulated by both Brown (1995) and Kilby (2002),insisting as it does that “forgetting” (at least, loosening the holdof the past, in order to enable the future) cannot be achieved without ?rst remembering the traumatic past. Indeed, this wouldseem to be similar to the message of Beloved , whose central motif of haunting (is the adult woman, “Beloved”, Sethe’s murderedchild returned in spectral form?) dramatises the tendency of theunanalysed traumatic past to keep on returning, constraining, asit does so, the present to be like the past, and thereby, disallow-ing the possibility of a future different from that past. As Sarah Ahmed argues in her response to Brown, “in order to break the seal of the past, in order to move away from attach-ments that are hurtful, we must ?rst bring them into the realm of political action” (2004: 33). We would add that the task of analys-ing the traumatic past, and thus opening up the possibility of political action, is unlikely to be achievable by individuals on their own, but that this, instead, requires a “community” of participants dedicated to the serious epistemic work of rememberingand interpreting the objective social conditions that made up thatpast and continue in the present. The “pain” of historical injury is not simply an individual psychological issue, but stems from objective social conditions which perpetuate, for the most part, forms of injustice and inequality into the present. In sum, Brown presents too stark a choice between past andfuture. In the example of Beloved with which we began thisarticle, Paul D’s acceptance of Sethe’s experiences of slavery asdistinct from his own, enable them both to arrive at new under-standings of their experience. Such understanding is a way of partially “undoing” the (effects of) the past and coming to terms with the locatedness of one’s being in the world (Mohanty 1995). As this example shows, opening up a future, and attending to theongoing effects of a traumatic past, are only incorrectly under-stood as alternatives. A second set of problems with Brown’s critique of identity poli-tics emerge from what we regard as her tendency to individualise social problems as problems that are the possession and theresponsibility of the “wounded” group. Brown suggests that the problems associated with identity politics can be overcome through a “shift in the character of political expression and politi-cal claims common to much politicised identity” (1995: 75). She de?nes this shift as one in which identity would be expressed in terms of desire rather than of ontology by supplanting the lan-guage of “I am” with the language of “I want this for us” (1995:75). Such a recon?guration, she argues, would create an opportu-nity to “rehabilitate the memory of desire within identi?catory processes…prior to their wounding” (1995: 75). It would fur-ther refocus attention on the future possibilities present in theidentity as opposed to the identity being foreclosed through its attention to past-based grievances.
AT: No Impact- The 1AC has indicated it is a question of methodology- our 1NC Coughlin ev says it’s a question of being able to create the best strategy that isn’t exclusionary- autobiography is a failed strategy because it gets turned into a commodification- this is bad because it reifies
Power-relations between the audience/judges/debaters and your arguments 2. Every time you win, you subvert your most radicla potential because you give the illusion to the academy that your solution is working- skirts actual strategies of the alt that opens up possibility for change Commodfication turns your argument- because makes
Even if some commodiciation is inevitable- that doesn’t mean we should re-inforce it- your stories should not be allowed to be reinterpreted and consumed for other teams to win a ballot because it strips importance/agency out of what has occurred to you
AT: !/T Every link we win is a reason to vote them down-
AT: Black Rage- The affirmative’s embrace of rage will fail to sustain a strategy to unlearn anti-black violence and locks black folks into an internalized system of victimhood that endpoints in despair hooks, b. (2013).Writing beyond race: Living theory and practice. New York, NY: Routledge. P 28-31 Our attachment to blaming, to identifying the oppressor stems from the fear that if we cannot unequivocally and absolutely state who the enemy is then we cannot know how to organize resistance struggle. In the insightful book Ruling Your World: Ancient Strategies for Modern Life, Mipham Rinpoche talks about learning to understand others rather than blaming them. He shares: “I remember my father and others of the older generation of Tibetan lamas saying that they did not blame the Communist Chinese for the destruction of Tibet. They felt that blaming the Chinese would not solve anything. It would only trap Tibetans in the past.” Similarly, any critical examination of the history of the civil rights struggle in the United States will show that greater progress was made when leaders emphasized the importance of forgiving one’s enemies, working for reconciliation and the formation of a beloved community, rather than angry retaliation. Casting blame and calling for vengeance was an aspect of militant movements for black power that have really failed to sustain the climate of unlearning racism previously forged by nonviolent anti-racist struggle. In the aftermath of sixties rebellion, the more black folks were encouraged to vent rage, to “blame” all white folks for race-based exploitation and domination, and to eschew any notion of forgiveness, the more an internalized sense of victimhood became the norm. Tragically, today many black folks are more despairing of any possibility that racism can be eff ectively challenged and changed than at other similar historical moments when white supremacist aggression was more overtly life threatening. Unenlightened white folks who proclaim either that racism has ended or that they are not responsible for slavery engage a politics of blame wherein they disavow political reality to insist that black folk are never really victims of racism but are the agents of their own suff ering. Dualistic thinking, which is at the core of dominator thinking, teaches people that there is always the oppressed and the oppressor, a victim and a victimizer. Hence there is always someone to blame. Moving past the ideology of blame to a politics of accountability is a diffi cult move to make in a society where almost all political organizing, whether conservative or radical, has been structured around the binary of good guys and bad guys. Accountability is a much more complex issue. A politics of blame allows a contemporary white person to make statements like, “My family never owned slaves,” or “Slavery is over. Why can’t they just get over it?” In contrast, a politics of accountability would emphasize that all white people benefi t from the privileges accrued from racist exploitation past and present and therefore are accountable for changing and transforming white supremacy and racism. Accountability is a more expansive concept because it opens a fi eld of possibility wherein we are all compelled to move beyond blame to see where our responsibility lies. Seeing clearly that we live within a dominator culture of imperialist white supremacist capitalist patriarchy, I am compelled to locate where my responsibility lies. In some circumstances I am more likely to be victimized by an aspect of that system, in other circumstances I am in a position to be a victimizer. If I only lay claim to those aspects of the system where I defi ne myself as the oppressed and someone else as my oppressor, then I continually fail to see the larger picture. Any eff ort I might make to challenge domination is likely to fail if I am not looking accurately at the circumstances that create suff ering, and thus seeing the larger picture. After more than thirty years of talking to folks about domination, I can testify that masses of folks in our society—both black and white— r esist seeing the larger picture. AT: Alt is squo- No it’s not- 1AC proves they’ve created an attachment to the body- alt provides a strategy for combatting violence-
You link to this more
AT: Crenshaw He the alt and uses of white privilege is what allows for rhetorical violence- but that’s not offense against the alt- the alt doesn’t erase the questions of evaluating whiteness but allows a site of contingent commonality between our strategies- our alternative let’ us cceate new strategies to combat rhetorical violence- that was in the overview- T’s Aff- resistance/empowerment via the ballot can only instill an adaptive politics of being and effaces the institutional constraints that reproduce structural violence Brown 95—prof at UC Berkely (Wendy, States of Injury, 21-3)
For some, fueled by opprobrium toward regulatory norms or other mo- dalities of domination, the language of "resistance" has taken up the ground vacated by a more expansive practice of freedom. For others, it is the discourse of “empowerment” that carries the ghost of freedom's valence ¶ 22¶. Yet as many have noted, insofar as resistance is an effect of the regime it opposes on the one hand, and insofar as its practitioners often seek to void it of normativity to differentiate it from the (regulatory) nature of what it opposes on the other, it is at best politically rebellious; at worst, politically amorphous. Resistance stands against, not for; it is re- action to domination, rarely willing to admit to a desire for it, and it is neutral with regard to possible political direction. Resistance is in no way constrained to a radical or emancipatory aim. a fact that emerges clearly as soon as one analogizes Foucault's notion of resistance to its companion terms in Freud or Nietzsche. Yet in some ways this point is less a critique of Foucault, who especially in his later years made clear that his political commitments were not identical with his theoretical ones (and un- apologetically revised the latter), than a sign of his misappropriation. For Foucault, resistance marks the presence of power and expands our under- standing of its mechanics, but it is in this regard an analytical strategy rather than an expressly political one. "Where there is power, there is resistance, and yet. or rather consequently, this resistance is never in a position of exteriority to power. . . . (The strictly relational character of power relationships . . . depends upon a multiplicity of points of resis- tance: these play the role of adversary, target, support, or handle in power relations.*39 This appreciation of the extent to which resistance is by no means inherently subversive of power also reminds us that it is only by recourse to a very non-Foucaultian moral evaluation of power as bad or that which is to be overcome that it is possible to equate resistance with that which is good, progressive, or seeking an end to domination. ¶ If popular and academic notions of resistance attach, however weakly at times, to a tradition of protest, the other contemporary substitute for a discourse of freedom—“empowerment”—would seem to correspond more closely to a tradition of idealist reconciliation. The language of resistance implicitly acknowledges the extent to which protest always transpires inside the regime; “empowerment,” in contrast, registers the possibility of generating one’s capacities, one’s “self-esteem,” one’s life course, without capitulating to constraints by particular regimes of power. But in so doing, contemporary discourses of empowerment too often signal an oddly adaptive and harmonious relationship with domination insofar as they locate an individual’s sense of worth and capacity in the register of individual feelings, a register implicitly located on some- thing of an otherworldly plane vis-a-vis social and political power. In this regard, despite its apparent locution of resistance to subjection, contem- porary discourses of empowerment partake strongly of liberal solipsism—the radical decontextualization of the subject characteristic of¶ 23¶ liberal discourse that is key to the fictional sovereign individualism of liberalism. Moreover, in its almost exclusive focus on subjects’ emotionalbearing and self-regard, empowerment is a formulation that converges with a regime’s own legitimacy needs in masking the power of the regime.¶ This is not to suggest that talk of empowerment is always only illusion or delusion. It is to argue, rather, that while the notion of empowerment articulates that feature of freedom concerned with action, with being more than the consumer subject figured in discourses of rights and eco- nomic democracy, contemporary deployments of that notion also draw so heavily on an undeconstructed subjectivity that they risk establishing a wide chasm between the (experience of) empowerment and an actual capacity to shape the terms of political, social, or economic life. Indeed, the possibility that one can “feel empowered” without being so forms an important element of legitimacy for the antidemocratic dimensions of liberalism. 2NC: Wounded Attachments D/A
The aff’s narrative is grounded in injuries of the past with no guide for the future---this reinscribes exclusion and foreclosures social justice Bhambra 10—U Warwick—AND—Victoria Margree—School of Humanities, U Brighton (Identity Politics and the Need for a ‘Tomorrow’, http://www.academia.edu/471824/Identity_Politics_and_the_Need_for_a_Tomorrow_)
2 The Reification of Identity We wish to turn now to a related problem within identity politicsthat can be best described as the problem of the rei?cation of politicised identities. Brown (1995) positions herself within thedebate about identity politics by seeking to elaborate on “the wounded character of politicised identity’s desire” (ibid: 55); thatis, the problem of “wounded attachments” whereby a claim to identity becomes over-invested in its own historical suffering and perpetuates its injury through its refusal to give up its identity claim. Brown’s argument is that where politicised identity is founded upon an experience of exclusion, for example, exclusion itself becomes perversely valorised in the continuance of that identity. In such cases, group activity operates to maintain and reproduce the identity created by injury (exclusion) rather than– and indeed, often in opposition to – resolving the injurious social relations that generated claims around that identity in the ?rst place. If things have to have a history in order to have af uture, then the problem becomes that of how history is con-structed in order to make the future. To the extent that, for Brown, identity is associated primarily with (historical) injury, the future for that identity is then already determined by the injury “as both bound to the history that produced it and as a reproach to the present which embodies that history” (ibid 1995: 73). Brown’s sug-gestion that as it is not possible to undo the past, the focus back- wards entraps the identity in reactionary practices, is, we believe,too stark and we will pursue this later in the article. Politicised identity, Brown maintains, “emerges and obtains its unifying coherence through the politicisation of exclusion from an ostensible universal, as a protest against exclusion” (ibid: 65). Its continuing existence requires both a belief in the legitimacy of the universal ideal (for example, ideals of opportunity, and re- ward in proportion to effort) and enduring exclusion from those ideals. Brown draws upon Nietzsche in arguing that such identi-ties, produced in reaction to conditions of disempowerment andinequality, then become invested in their own impotence through practices of, for example, reproach, complaint, and revenge. These are “reactions” in the Nietzschean sense since they are substitutes for actions or can be seen as negative forms of action. Rather than acting to remove the cause(s) of suffering, that suf-fering is instead ameliorated (to some extent) through “the estab-lishment of suffering as the measure of social virtue” (ibid 1995:70), and is compensated for by the vengeful pleasures of recrimi-nation. Such practices, she argues, stand in sharp distinction to –in fact, provide obstacles to – practices that would seek to dispel the conditions of exclusion. Brown casts the dilemma discussed above in terms of a choicebetween past and future, and adapting Nietzsche, exhorts theadoption of a (collective) will that would become the “redeemer of history” (ibid: 72) through its focus on the possibilities of creat-ing different futures. As Brown reads Nietzsche, the one thingthat the will cannot exert its power over is the past, the “it was”.Confronted with its impotence with respect to the events of thepast, the will is threatened with becoming simply an “angry spec-tator” mired in bitter recognition of its own helplessness. The onehope for the will is that it may, instead, achieve a kind of mastery over that past such that, although “what has happened” cannotbe altered, the past can be denied the power of continuing to de-termine the present and future. It is only this focus on the future, Brown continues, and the capacity to make a future in the face of human frailties and injustices that spares us from a rancorous decline into despair. Identity politics structured by ressentiment – that is, by suffering caused by past events – can only break outof the cycle of “slave morality” by remaking the present againstthe terms of the past, a remaking that requires a “forgetting” of that past. An act of liberation, of self-af?rmation, this “forgettingof the past” requires an “overcoming” of the past that offers iden-tity in relationship to suffering, in favour of a future in whichidentity is to be de?ned differently. In arguing thus, Brown’s work becomes aligned with a posi-tion that sees the way forward for emancipatory politics as re-siding in a movement away from a “politics of memory” (Kilby 2002: 203) that is committed to articulating past injustices andsuffering. While we agree that investment in identities prem-ised upon suffering can function as an obstacle to alleviating the causes of that suffering, we believe that Brown’s argument as outlined is problematic. First, following Kilby (2002), we share a concern about any turn to the future that is ?gured as a complete abandonment of the past. This is because for those who have suffered oppression and exclusion, the injunction to give up articulating a pain that is still felt may seem cruel and impossible to meet. We would argue instead that the “turn to the future” that theorists such as Brown and Grosz callfor, to revitalise feminism and other emancipatory politics, need not be conceived of as a brute rejection of the past. Indeed, Brown herself recognises the problems involved here, stating that since erased histories and historical invisibility are themselves suchintegral elements of the pain inscribed in most subjugated identitiesthen the counsel of forgetting, at least in its unreconstructedNietzschean form, seems inappropriate if not cruel (1995: 74). She implies, in fact, that the demand exerted by those in painmay be no more than the demand to exorcise that pain throughrecognition: “all that such pain may long for – more than revenge– is the chance to be heard into a certain release, recognised intoself-overcoming, incited into possibilities for triumphing over, and hence, losing itself” (1995: 74-75). Brown wishes to establish the political importance of remembering “painful” historical events but with a crucial caveat: that the purpose of remembering pain is to enable its release . The challenge then, according to her,is to create a political culture in which this project does not mutate into one of remembering pain for its own sake. Indeed, if Brown feels that this may be “a pass where we ought to part with Nietzsche” (1995: 74), then Freud may be a more suit-able companion. Since his early work with Breuer, Freud’s writ-ings have suggested the (only apparent) paradox that remember-ing is often a condition of forgetting. The hysterical patient, who is doomed to repeat in symptoms and compulsive actions a past she cannot adequately recall, is helped to remember that trau-matic past in order then to move beyond it: she must remember inorder to forget and to forget in order to be able to live in the present. 7 This model seems to us to be particularly helpful for thedilemma articulated by both Brown (1995) and Kilby (2002),insisting as it does that “forgetting” (at least, loosening the holdof the past, in order to enable the future) cannot be achieved without ?rst remembering the traumatic past. Indeed, this wouldseem to be similar to the message of Beloved , whose central motif of haunting (is the adult woman, “Beloved”, Sethe’s murderedchild returned in spectral form?) dramatises the tendency of theunanalysed traumatic past to keep on returning, constraining, asit does so, the present to be like the past, and thereby, disallow-ing the possibility of a future different from that past. As Sarah Ahmed argues in her response to Brown, “in order to break the seal of the past, in order to move away from attach-ments that are hurtful, we must ?rst bring them into the realm of political action” (2004: 33). We would add that the task of analys-ing the traumatic past, and thus opening up the possibility of political action, is unlikely to be achievable by individuals on their own, but that this, instead, requires a “community” of participants dedicated to the serious epistemic work of rememberingand interpreting the objective social conditions that made up thatpast and continue in the present. The “pain” of historical injury is not simply an individual psychological issue, but stems from objective social conditions which perpetuate, for the most part, forms of injustice and inequality into the present. In sum, Brown presents too stark a choice between past andfuture. In the example of Beloved with which we began thisarticle, Paul D’s acceptance of Sethe’s experiences of slavery asdistinct from his own, enable them both to arrive at new under-standings of their experience. Such understanding is a way of partially “undoing” the (effects of) the past and coming to terms with the locatedness of one’s being in the world (Mohanty 1995). As this example shows, opening up a future, and attending to theongoing effects of a traumatic past, are only incorrectly under-stood as alternatives. A second set of problems with Brown’s critique of identity poli-tics emerge from what we regard as her tendency to individualise social problems as problems that are the possession and theresponsibility of the “wounded” group. Brown suggests that the problems associated with identity politics can be overcome through a “shift in the character of political expression and politi-cal claims common to much politicised identity” (1995: 75). She de?nes this shift as one in which identity would be expressed in terms of desire rather than of ontology by supplanting the lan-guage of “I am” with the language of “I want this for us” (1995:75). Such a recon?guration, she argues, would create an opportu-nity to “rehabilitate the memory of desire within identi?catory processes…prior to their wounding” (1995: 75). It would fur-ther refocus attention on the future possibilities present in theidentity as opposed to the identity being foreclosed through its attention to past-based grievances.
3/28/14
NDT Rnd 2 2nc vs Rutgers HS
Tournament: NDT | Round: 2 | Opponent: Rutgers HS | Judge: Eisendstadt, Copenhaver, Brass Fr S/Freely-stasis/decisionmaking- many models of debate promote decisionmaking, question is which is best? TK of black people is bad?debates, dmaking, comparatively better focuses on the how and who in a limited statement, more research not just about yes/no but specific mechanisms – more avenues of dialogue and discussion, more opportunities for clash
Limits/Fairness- resolution guides research- not prepared for these debates, terminal solvency take out bc can’t subject aff to truth testing- - particularly in case of a new aff at the NDT- Debate is a competitive activity where wins/losses matter, structural forms of fairness inevitable outside- disparities in skill, opportunity, etc, one place can elim those structural forms of bias is within the round ensuring both teams have an even playing field- WHAT DOES THE AFF DO? HWO DOES THE AFF INCREASE ACCESSIBILITY? Normative statement on Rutgers being accused of cheating, and indictment of spreading too quickly, and the role of the judge being an affirmation of blackness-
T versio
Force short circuits in logic mid round that prevent solvency Goodin 03 Robert E. Goodin and Simon J. Niemeyer- Australian National University- 2003, When Does Deliberation Begin? Internal Reflection versus Public Discussion in Deliberative Democracy, POLITICAL STUDIES: 2003 VOL 51, 627–649, uwyoamp Suppose that instead of highly polarized symbolic attitudes, what we have at the outset AND invariably have a considerable impact on changing the way jurors approach an issue.
Topic education- legal education uniquely key –change resolutions each year- hwo technocrats carry out racism VRA, literacy tests, coke v crack laws penalized more, even if all socially dead, resolving that legal disparity would likely be preferred by some people of color/improve their lives-this is NOT the war powers/good bad/ topic – talking about racism is GOOD and can provide productive debates but what are the BEST debates- much harder to say this is how we should resovle a problem than x is bad- that’s Steinberg and Freely- impact is our Donahue evidence- debating/simulating the law in debate allows us to create laboratories to test outcomes/situations without the consequences of the real world- must engage in these discourses
Topical version of the aff the foreign spaces “targeted” by drones serve as a testing grounds for technologies and techniques of militarization and security that spillover to police domestic urban spaces Stephen Graham, Professor of Cities and Society at Newcastle University and previously taught at Durham and MIT, among other universities, 2010, Cities Under Siege: the New Military Urbanism, p. xiii-xvii Such fantasies of high-tech omnipotence are much more than science fiction.¶ As AND security operations, is the second key feature of the new military urbanism.
To summarize the racial formation approach: (1) It views the meaning of AND to mention global survival and prosperity, as we enter a new millennium.
I can win of these individually 1) Talking about policy debate is good/important to resolve their impacts and change- the gov carries out and other forms of oppression because of fed up laws- a. Question is not what issues cause those things, but what types of discussions offer the best ways to solve them, pragmatic focus Monolith- can solve portions of the implementation of that violence- work toward an unlearning of antiblackness b. it’s not the tk good/bad, what do we reform and how do we reform? Legal education is key0- there are many problems in this community- the problem is when we just stick to x is a problem we never have a logic that moves to how do we create solutions? Debate needs to be better- way we make it better, solution oriented thinking c. negative framework includes every other possible solution but burning it down 2) SSD solves their offense- read it on the neg, forward challenges to state policy and the government 3) Progress is possible + durable a. Case stuff, framework, mike case stuff
AT: Social Death
There’s a difference between social death- you should see that aff as a potential for social life/progress- can change things, start w/ rejection of white society
PIC out of what you orient your energy to change towards- only continues when political death is accepted- not possible to changes
Two centuries ago black people were property and no longer true- what changes have been afforded black people? 50 years ago =/= vote/live where they chose, less true- Social death instance scan be countered by careful work in the form of discrimination
Mellor Our arg is not that the gov should be the locus of all activism ever- tk, gov owns drones, engages in secret ops, engages in the murder of people for political purposes, debate in terms of the gov to change it
Who does tk of black people?
What are the processes by which that occurs?
Progress possible
1) AT: Social death- political death, give you political life 2) AT: rage is a failing strategy- love stuff
Foreign focus bad
3/28/14
OCO Prez Restraint CP
Tournament: 2013babyjo | Round: 4 | Opponent: Baylor Boor-Bacon | Judge: Zendeh The Executive Branch of the United States should announce that the United States will not employ preemptive use of large-scale cyber-attacks, except in direct support of authorized United States military operations.
The Department of Defense should substantially increase investment in domestic cyber defense measures.
WASHINGTON — A secret legal review on the use of America’s growing arsenal of cyberweapons AND , the two newest and most politically sensitive weapons in the American arsenal.
9/28/13
PQD DA
Tournament: Shirley | Round: 8 | Opponent: Trinity Rothenbaum-Solice | Judge: Shook PQD adherence for foreign affairs cases is intact—but a contrary ruling destroys it Franck ‘12 Thomas, Murray and Ida Becker Professor of Law, New York University School of Law Wolfgang Friedmann Memorial Award 1999, Political Questions/Judicial Answers
We may be on the verge of a AND from the highest tribunal.
That spills over to climate change cases---litigants are turning to the Courts now and asking them to abrogate the PQD Laurence H. Tribe 10, the Carl M. Loeb University Professor, Harvard Law School; Joshua D. Branson, J.D., Harvard Law School and NDT Champion, Northwestern University; and Tristan L. Duncan, Partner, Shook, Hardy and Bacon L.L.P., January 2010, “TOOHOTFORCOURTSTO HANDLE: FUEL TEMPERATURES, GLOBAL WARMING, AND THE POLITICAL QUESTION DOCTRINE,” http://www.wlf.org/Upload/legalstudies/workingpaper/012910Tribe_WP.pdf Two sets of problems,AND from both directions.
That wrecks coordination necessary to solve warming Laurence H. Tribe 10, the Carl M. Loeb University Professor, Harvard Law School; Joshua D. Branson, J.D., Harvard Law School and NDT Champion, Northwestern University; and Tristan L. Duncan, Partner, Shook, Hardy and Bacon L.L.P., January 2010, “TOOHOTFORCOURTSTO HANDLE: FUEL TEMPERATURES, GLOBAL WARMING, AND THE POLITICAL QUESTION DOCTRINE,” http://www.wlf.org/Upload/legalstudies/workingpaper/012910Tribe_WP.pdf But that being said, AND AND for how we govern ourselves.
Extinction Flournoy 12 -- Citing Feng Hsu, PhD NASA Scientist @ the Goddard Space Flight Center. Don Flournoy is a PhD and MA from the University of Texas, Former Dean of the University College @ Ohio University, Former Associate Dean @ State University of New York and Case Institute of Technology, Project Manager for University/Industry Experiments for the NASA ACTS Satellite, Currently Professor of Telecommunications @ Scripps College of Communications @ Ohio University (Don, "Solar Power Satellites," January, Springer Briefs in Space Development, Book, p. 10-11 In the Online Journal of Space Communication , Dr. Feng Hsu, a NASA scientist at Goddard Space Flight Center, a research AND potentially the extinction of human species, a risk that is simply too high for us to take any chances” (Hsu 2010 )
1/3/14
Presumption v Charming Betsy
Tournament: North Texas | Round: Doubles | Opponent: Kansas Harris-Wefald | Judge: Morris, Stanley, Varda Interpretation: Restrict means to limit Supreme Court of Delaware 83 (THE MAYOR AND COUNCIL OF NEW CASTLE, a municipal corporation of the State of Delaware, Plaintiff Below, Appellant, v. ROLLINS OUTDOOR ADVERTISING, INC., Defendant Below, Appellee, No. 155, 1983, 475 A.2d 355; 1984 Del. LEXIS 324, November 21, 1983, Submitted, April 2, 1984, Decided) The term "restrict" is AND some of those uses already in existence.
Violation: The affirmative doesn’t create a limit on the authority of the president because that limit already exists - The Al-Bihani decision did not affect the AUTHORITY of the presidents war powers which is a static and independent concept separate from lower court determinations The part of Al-Bihani dealing with Charming Betsy was dicta, which means it has no binding effect, Supreme Court precedent is controlling which means the aff does literally nothing – here’s their Paust card re-underlined Paust 12 (Jordan J. Paust Mike 26 Teresa Baker Law Center Professor, University of Houston. Spring, 2012, Still Unlawful: The Obama Military Commissions, Supreme Court Holdings, and Deviant Dicta in the D.C. Circuit Cornell International Law Journal 45 Cornell Int’l L.J. 367) Rarely has a circuit court judge AND branch of the federal government.112
1/22/14
Prez Powers- Climate Change Scenario
Tournament: 2013babyjo | Round: 7 | Opponent: Central Oklahoma Hamm-Botkin | Judge: Lemuel Presidential power high now-historical precedent and Obama domestic and international expansion Fein ‘12 Bruce Fein, associate deputy attorney general under President Reagan , A History of the Expansion of Presidential Power, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/28/opinion/a-history-of-the-expansion-of-presidential-power.html, uwyoamp
The unilateral actions of President Obama in the domestic arena to circumvent Congress are more AND countless presidential signing statements, Terrorist Surveillance Program, waterboarding and Iraq war.
Presidential power is zero-sum- the branches compete
Barilleaux and Kelley 2010 Ryan J. , Professor of Political Science at Miami, OH; and Christopher S. , Lecturer (Political Science) at Miami, OH, The Unitary Executive and the Modern Presidency, Texas AandM Press, p. P 196-197, 2010 wyo-sc In their book The Broken Branch, Mann and Ornstein paint a different view. AND of these trends away from meaningful congressional stewardship of foreign policy and spending. Padilla reversal proves-restrictions on indefinite detention encroach on presidential power Kaplan 2013 Lewis A. Kaplan, District Judge, 07/17/2013, Hedges v. Obama, http://www.lawfareblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/Hedges.2d-Circuit-Opinion.pdf, uwyoamp
2. Padilla Padilla, also an American citizen, was apprehended at Chicago’s O’Hare AND him to civilian criminal custody. His petition for certiorari was denied.26 Strong executive key to solve climate change-lack of congressional action prevents solvency in the squo and executive negotiating power key to check environmental and economic collapse Wold 2012 Chris Wold, Professor of Law and Director, International Environmental Law Project (IELP), 2012, Lewis and Clark Law School, 2012, CASE WESTERN RESERVE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW•VOL. 45•2012, uwyoamp
In 2007, then-Senator Barack Obama wrote, “As the world’s largest AND economic crisis that lies ahead if we fail to take more aggressive action.
Studies show warming is human caused and will cause extinction Ahmed 2010 (Nafeez Ahmed, Executive Director of the Institute for Policy Research and Development, professor of International Relations and globalization at Brunel University and the University of Sussex, Spring/Summer 2010, “Globalizing Insecurity: The Convergence of Interdependent Ecological, Energy, and Economic Crises,” Spotlight on Security, Volume 5, Issue 2, online) Perhaps the most notorious indicator is anthropogenic global warming. The landmark 2007 Fourth Assessment AND – a situation endangering the survival of all life on earth.xi
9/28/13
Prez Restraint CP Release detainees
Tournament: 2013babyjo | Round: 7 | Opponent: Central Oklahoma Hamm-Botkin | Judge: Lemuel Text: The President of the United States should release those who are unlawfully held indefinitely by the United States government.
In his press conference Tuesday, President Obama repeated that he wanted to shut Guantanamo AND that they will maintain control over detainees, as required by the law.
The unilateral actions of President Obama in the domestic arena to circumvent Congress are more AND countless presidential signing statements, Terrorist Surveillance Program, waterboarding and Iraq war.
Lack of restrictions on OCO key to presidential flexibility Lorber 2013 Eric Lorber, J.D. Candidate, University of Pennsylvania Law School, Ph.D Candidate, Duke University Department of Political Science, Jan 2013, EXECUTIVE WARMAKING AUTHORITY AND OFFENSIVE CYBER OPERATIONS: CAN EXISTING LEGISLATION SUCCESSFULLY CONSTRAIN PRESIDENTIAL POWER?, https://www.law.upenn.edu/live/files/1773-lorber15upajconstl9612013, uwyoamp
The lack of congressional oversight of offensive cyber operations under the Intelligence Authorization Act also AND , giving the President an increasingly powerful foreign policy tool outside congressional reach.
Presidential power is zero-sum- the branches compete
Barilleaux and Kelley 2010 Ryan J. , Professor of Political Science at Miami, OH; and Christopher S. , Lecturer (Political Science) at Miami, OH, The Unitary Executive and the Modern Presidency, Texas AandM Press, p. P 196-197, 2010 wyo-sc In their book The Broken Branch, Mann and Ornstein paint a different view. AND of these trends away from meaningful congressional stewardship of foreign policy and spending.
Strong executive key to contain WMD threat of North Korea/rogue states Nzelibe and Yoo 06 Jide Nzelibe and John C. Yoo. , Yoo is a professor of law at the University of California at Berkeley School of Law , ,Rational war and constitutional design.(Symposium on Executive Power). Yale Law Journal 115.9 (July 2006): p2512(30), uwyoamp
The declining value of costly signals is counterbalanced by the benefit of using preemptive force AND to determine whether to seek to signal a nondemocractic regime with legislative authorization.
An unchecked North Korea causes global catastrophe Hayes and Green, 10 *Victoria University AND Executive Director of the Nautilus Institute (Peter and Michael, “-“The Path Not Taken, the Way Still Open: Denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia”, 1/5, http://www.nautilus.org/fora/security/10001HayesHamalGreen.pdf) uwyoamp The consequences of failing to address the proliferation threat posed by the North Korea developments AND threat but a global one that warrants priority consideration from the international community.
9/28/13
T-Funding
Tournament: Shirley | Round: 5 | Opponent: Indiana Murphy-Patel | Judge: Watson A. Interpretation: Affirmatives cannot restrict the funding of operations 2. Statutes must be passed by both houses of legislature and signed by the president – only then does it become ruling legislation West’s Encyclopedia of American Law ed. 2, “statute,” 2008. http://legal-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/statute An act of a legislature that declares, AND by subject. These codes are published in book form and are available at law libraries. 2. They are concurrent resolution – power of the purse isn’t topical J. Gregory Sidak, Covington and Burling, Washington D.C. Ab 1977, A.M., J.D., “The President’s Power of the Purse,” Duke Law Journal Vol. 1989 236. Authority of Congressional Committees to Disapprove Action of Executive Branch, 41 Op.¶ Att'y Gen. 230 (1955); see also Wilson Veto Message, supra note 143, at 8845 ("I do not concede the¶ right, and certainly not the wisdom, of the Congress endowing a committee of either House or ajoint¶ committee of both Houses with power to prescribe 'regulations' under which executive departments¶ may operate."). In addition, President Franklin Roosevelt wrote a confidential memorandum to¶ Attorney General Robert Jackson in 1941 stating that a legislative veto provision in the Lend-Lease¶ Act, which Roosevelt had signed into law, was "clearly unconstitutional." Memorandum for the¶ Attorney General from President Franklin D. Roosevelt (Apr. 7, 1941), reprinted in Jackson, A¶ Presidential Legal Opinion, 66 HARV. L. REV. 1353, 1357 (1953).¶ Louis Fisher candidly AND the executive branch, but they can control the internal procedures of Congress.¶ Fisher, supra note 6, at 763.
B. Violation: The affirmative’s use of appropriations restrictions does not occur through statutorily created ruling legislation – even if they use “statitorially” it just proves the plan isn’t a real thing – vote neg on presumption. C. Prefer our interpretation:
Limits and Ground: Expanding statutory restriction beyond joint resolutions and presidential signing by law expands affirmative mechanism ground 3 fold – simple resolutions, joint resolutions, and concurrent resolutions – on a topic that already has two agents and mechanisms built into the wording of the resolution. Simple and concurrent restrictions should be negative counterplan ground to even the playing field. 2. Indpentdently – they’re extra topical – can’t fiat enforcement and especially of “watchdog orgs” because it’s textually beyond the scope of the federal government action and makes it unpredictable to be neg D. Topicality is a voting issue – rule of game, fairness, and education
Interpretation and violation: Targeted killings are strikes carried about against pre-meditated, individually designated targets—-signature strikes are distinct
Vote neg —- signature strikes and targeted killings are distinct operations with entirely separate lit bases and advantages—-they kill precision and limits
Kenneth Anderson 11, Professor at Washington College of Law, American University, Hoover Institution visiting fellow, Non-Resident Visiting Fellow at Brookings, "Efficiency in Bello and ad Bellum: Targeted Killing Through Drone Warfare," Sept 23 2011, http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1812124 Although targeted killing and AND" targets, whether Taliban or Al Qaeda.
Signature Strikes are a distinct strategy with unique targeting methods and a goal of territorial denial—artificially lumping the two together leaves the concept of targeted killing incoherent and indefensible.
Tournament: 2013babyjo | Round: 4 | Opponent: Baylor Boor-Bacon | Judge: Zendeh Interpretation – restriction requires prohibition of an entire topic list area Restriction means prohibition Corpus Juris Secundum 31 Volume 54, p. 735 RESTRICT: To confine; to limit; to prevent (a person or thing) from passing a certain limit in any kind of action; to restrain; to restrain without bounds.
“In the area” means all of the activities United Nations 13 (United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty, http://www.un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/unclos/part1.htm) PART I¶ INTRODUCTION¶ Article 1 Use of terms and scope¶ 1. For the purposes of this Convention:¶ AND of exploration for, and exploitation of, the resources of the Area; Violations – the affirmative doesn’t prohibit --either it sets conditions that can be met, or just limits the scope
Voting issue – Limits – absent prohibition of an area, every single condition or regulation acts as a functional restriction on some single process of war powers authority – dozens of tiny mechanisms and small subsets of areas create an infinite number of affs that core lit doesn’t check Bidirectionality – absent a prohibition, the aff can create meaningless “conditions” that EXPAND presidential power – commission consultation proves Wilson Center No Date (War Powers Proposal Gives the President Even More Authority, http://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/war-powers-proposal-gives-the-president-even-more-authority) A privately organized Commission on War Powers recommended last week that the 1973 War Powers AND in Congress, behind closed doors and shielded by classified briefings and documents.
Al Qaeda is weak now but could recover if the US allows them the opportunity
McLaughlin 13 (John McLaughlin was a CIA officer for 32 years and served as deputy director and acting director from 2000-2004. He currently teaches at the Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies and is a Non-Resident Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution, ¶ 06:00 AM ET¶ Terrorism at a moment of transition7/12, http://security.blogs.cnn.com/2013/07/12/terrorism-at-a-moment-of-transition/) A third major trend AND "It needs but one foe to breed a war, not two ..."
Continued indefinite detention key to winning the war on terror
Hodgkinson ’12 ~Sandra L. Hodgkinson, former Chief of Staff for Deputy Secretary of Defense William J. Lynn, III and Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Detainee Affairs and Distinguished Visiting Research Fellow at National Defense University, "Executive Power in a War Without End: Goldsmith, the Erosion of Executive Authority on Detention, and the End of the War on Terror," CASE WESTERN RESERVE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW VOL. 45, Fall 2012, http://law.case.edu/journals/JIL/Documents/45CaseWResJIntlL1262.pdf-http://law.case.edu/journals/JIL/Documents/45CaseWResJIntlL1262.pdf wyo-ch~ There is no such thing as a war AND every other war in history.
Constrained executive makes it impossible to respond to the rapid and existential nature of the threat posed by terrorism-strong, flexible executive key to check nuclear, chemical, and biological attacks
Terrorist retaliation causes nuclear war – draws in Russia and China
Ayson, 10 Robert Ayson, Professor of Strategic Studies and Director of the Centre for Strategic Studies: New Zealand at the Victoria University of Wellington, 2010 ("After a Terrorist Nuclear Attack: Envisaging Catalytic Effects," Studies in Conflict 26 Terrorism, Volume 33, Issue 7, July, Available Online to Subscribing Institutions via InformaWorld) A terrorist nuclear attack, and even the use of nuclear weapons in response by AND be admitted that any preemption would probably still meet with a devastating response.
1/3/14
Ukraine Politics DA
Tournament: Cedanats | Round: 6 | Opponent: UT Dallas Loehr-Ogbuli | Judge: Harris Obama’s political capital is key to ensure IMF reforms will be part of the Ukraine aid package which is key to secure the Ukrainian economy – secured foothold in senate, prominent conservative support, and mimics 2009 vote Rogers 3-13 (David, congressional reporter for Politico. “IMF reforms get new life through Ukraine” 3-13-14 http://www.politico.com/story/2014/03/international-monetary-fund-ukraine-russia-crimea-congress-104656.html//wyoccd) Having secured a foothold in the AND2 June 2009 vote.
Fighting to defend his war power will sap Obama’s capital – trades off with IMF reforms Kriner, 10 --- assistant professor of political science at Boston University (Douglas L. Kriner, “After the Rubicon: Congress, Presidents, and the Politics of Waging War”, University of Chicago Press, Dec 1, 2010, page 68-69) While congressional support leaves the president’s AND in the international arena.
Without IMF reforms and aid the Ukrainian economy will collapse within the next few months and the global economy will follow suit Thompson and Wallace 3-3 (Mark and Gregory, international editor at CNN Money. “Ukraine crisis: Why it matters to the world economy” 3-3-14 http://money.cnn.com/2014/03/02/news/economy/ukraine-economy///wyoccd) While the world watches the escalating crisis in AND is down about 10 since the start of 2014.
Nuclear war Harris and Burrows ‘9 (Mathew, PhD European History at Cambridge, counselor in the National Intelligence Council (NIC) and Jennifer, member of the NIC’s Long Range Analysis Unit “Revisiting the Future: Geopolitical Effects of the Financial Crisis” http://www.ciaonet.org/journals/twq/v32i2/f_0016178_13952.pdf, AM) Of course, the report AND in a more dog-eat-dog world.
The Executive Branch of the United States should ban signature strikes carried out by Remotely-Piloted Vehicles. The President should adhere to this regulation.
Self-Restraint solves signature strikes
Zenko 13 (Micah, Dr. Zenko is a Douglas Dillon fellow in the Center for Preventive Action (CPA) at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), he worked for five years at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government, and in Washington, DC, at the Brookings Institution, Congressional Research Service, and State Department’s Office of Policy Planning, Council Special Report No.65, January 2013, Reforming US Drone Strike Policies, i.cfr.org/content/publications/attachments/Drones_CSR65.pdf) History shows that how states adopt and AND antiaircraft fire or aerial combat).
