Tournament: Wake | Round: 6 | Opponent: Kansas BiCa | Judge: Jonah Feldman
1NC Warming Critique
Carbon colonialism.  The global climate regime relies on an imperialist epistemology.  Carbon management that standardizes life and the natural world under inaccessible and domineering institutions.   
Paterson and Stripple 7—*Matthew Paterson Poli Sci @ Ottawa and Johannes Stripple, PhD Poli Sci Lund (Sweden) The Social Construction of Climate Change ed. Mary Pettenger p. 162-163

While it is easy to conceive of the sink issue as being … empire of carbon management and control. 

Universal framing of climate change eliminates political response in favor technological management. Their framing prevents changes in distribution and consumption required to cope with climate change.
Swyngedouw 10—Erik Swyngedouw, Geography @ Manchester “Apocalypse Forever?: Post-political populism and the spectre of climate change” Theory, Culture, and Society 27 (2-3) p. 216-219

The Desire for the Apocalypse and the Fetishization … of the sensible’ in Rancière’s (1998) words, so that nothing really has to change. 

Warming is irreversible – consensus of most qualified scientists
Romm 3-18 Joe, PhD in Physics from MIT, Senior Fellow at American Progress, editor of Climate Progress, former acting assistant secretary of energy for energy efficiency and renewable energy in 1997, “The Dangerous Myth that Climate Change is Reversible,” http://theenergycollective.com/josephromm/199981/dangerous-myth-climate-change-reversible

The CMO (Chief Misinformation Officer) of the … about the risks of harmful climate change.

1NR Link—Green Growth
Green growth discourse rigs the game on climate policy according to the logic of economic efficiency and inequality.
Methmann 10—Chris Methmann, Research Associate @ Poli Sci Inst. Hamburg “‘Climate Protection’ as Empty Signifier: A Discourse Theoretical Perspective on Climate Mainstreaming in World Politics” Millennium 39 (2) p. 364-366

Ethics: ‘Growth and Green Work Hand in Hand’ As to the …that include the status quo in the climate protection discourse.

Technocratic management makes extinction inevitable—no aff proposal can solve.
Crist 7 Eileen Crist, Associate Professor of Science and Technology in Society at Virginia Tech University, 2007, “Beyond the Climate Crisis: A Critique of Climate Change Discourse,” Telos, Volume 141, Winter, Available Online to Subscribing Institutions via Telos Press, p. 49-51

If mainstream environmentalism is catching up with the … and culturally, that needs to be changed.

2NC Link—Global Coop
Belief in global cooperation’s ability to solve obscures the causes of overexploitation and creates a utopian belief in technology’s ability to solve.
Ahmed 11—Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed is an international security analyst. He is Executive Director at the Institute for Policy Research and Development, and Associate Tutor at the Department of IR, University of Sussex, where he obtained his DPhil. “The international relations of crisis and the crisis of international relations: from the securitisation of scarcity to the militarisation of society,” Global Change, Peace and Security, Volume 23, Issue 3, 2011, Taylor and Francis Online

2.3 Neoliberalism: mutual over-exploitation as normative
On the other hand, we have strategies of international … the establishment of effective environmental regimes.

Tournament: Harvard | Round: 7 | Opponent: Oklahoma BaCh | Judge: Ben Meiches
1NC K
First off is the deference to victims critique—
The alternative is to endorse their advocacy.  We should affirm hunger strikes of military detainees as a form of revolutionary suicide to restrict the presidential war powers of indefinite detention as an ethical interrogation of the conditions that made force feeding possible.
This is a critique of their role of the judge which says you must always align with those who are most vulnerable.

Deference to the Victim Link—their arguments are appealing but ultimately amount to a reification of fixed identities.  You, as the perpetuator of the conditions that make force feeding possible may feel ethically responsible to the victim.  The ballot won’t heal the aff’s pain and only serves to create a perverse competition for victimhood.  This results in an endless pursuit of revenge, rather than provide emancipation to marginalized populations
Diane ENNS, Associate Professor of Philosophy at McMaster University, 12 The Violence of Victimhood, Penn State Press, Google Books, pg. 28-30, (Gender Modified—Sigalos)

We need to think carefully about what is at stake here. Why is this … turn now to an exploration of this third outcome.

They are revolutionary tourism—testifying the reality of the hunger strikes, but profiting from the same economy of ballots as the rest of us.
Rey CHOW Modern Culture and Media @ Brown 98 Ethics After Idealism p. 12-13

For the practitioners of cultural studies to … and political impetus in the current intellectual climate. 

They turn the political into only the personal—appeals to personal experience replace analysis of group oppression with personal testimony.  As a result, politics becomes a policing operation—those not in an identity group are denied intellectual access and those within the group who don’t conform to the aff’s terms are excluded.  Over time, this strategy LIMITS politics to ONLY the personal.  This devastates structural change, and turns the case—it demands that political performance assimilate to very limited norms of experience
Joan SCOTT Harold F. Linder Professor at the School of Social Science in the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton 92 “Multiculturalism and the Politics of Identity” October Summer p. 16-19

The logic of individualism has structured the approach …. relation to whatever is taken as majority or dominant.

Overview
The only way to prevent endless violence between the victim and perpetuator is to reframe the conflict.  Our goal shouldn’t be to propose plans for perfect, peaceful coexistence—that’s impossible.  Rather, we must focus on shared responsibility for the community that we both inhabit whether we like it or not.  Their vision of dealing with inevitable difference means that violence and resentment are inevitable—every round will become one in which debaters, regardless of privilege, will demand redress for certain injustices, and you as the judge will be forced to be the arbiter—is that really a bearable community we can live in?
Diane ENNS, Associate Professor of Philosophy at McMaster University, 12 The Violence of Victimhood, Penn State Press, pg. 11-14

In chapter 1 I explore an ideology prominent in the “emancipatory” … from the veneration described in the first chapter.

Tournament: Harvard | Round: Octas | Opponent: Northwestern McPe | Judge: Seth Gannon, Kevin Kallmyer, David Heidt
1NC—Hege
No regional rebalancing or security dilemmas—the only empirical data goes our way.
Fettweis 11—Professor of Poli Sci @ Tulane University Christopher J. Fettweis, “The Superpower as Superhero: Hubris in U.S. Foreign Policy,” Paper prepared for presentation at the 2011 meeting of the American Political Science Association, September 1-4, Seattle, WA, September 2011, pg. http://ssrn.com/abstract=1902154

The final and in some ways most important pathological … on earth. The people of the United States would be a lot better off as well.

Great power wars are unthinkable—unipolarity just results in minor power wars.
Jervis 11—Professor of International Politics @ Columbia University Robert Jervis (On the board of nine scholarly journals and Former president of the American Political Science Association), “Force in Our Times,” Saltzman Working Paper No. 15, July 2011, pg. http://www.siwps.com/news.attachment/saltzmanworkingpaper15-842/SaltzmanWorkingPaper15.PDF

FORCE TODAY - Two dramatic and seemingly-contradictory trends … prescription, however, I am cautious enough not to want to run the experiment.)Pg. 13-20

US Decline facilitates US multilateralism—paves the way for a soft landing that prevents their transition impacts.
He 10—Professor of Political Science at Utah State University Kai He (Postdoctoral fellow in the Princeton-Harvard China and the World Program at Princeton University (2009–2010) and a Bradley fellow of the Lynda and Harry Bradley Foundation (2009–2010), “The hegemon’s choice between power and security: explaining US policy toward Asia after the Cold War,” Review of International Studies (2010), 36, pg. 1121–1143

When US policymakers perceive a rising or a stable … can help the US maximise security in the future anarchic, multipolar world. Pg. 1141-1143

Unipolarity is destroying bipartisan compact needed to sustain support for multilateralism—makes our policies erratic and incoherent.
Kupchan and Trubowitz 7—Professor of International Affairs @ Georgetown University and Professor of Government @ University of Texas-Austin Charles A. Kupchan (Senior Fellow @ Council on Foreign Relations, and Henry A. Kissinger Scholar at the Library of Congress) and Peter L. Trubowitz (Senior Fellow @ Robert Strauss Center for International Security and Law), “Dead Center: The Demise of Liberal Internationalism in the United States,” International Security, Vol. 32, No. 2 (Fall 2007), pp. 7–44

The conditions that sustained liberal … that is as selective and judicious as it is purposeful. Pg. 8-10

Multilat leads to global coop and power sharing—it creates shared framework of interaction changes the way states interpret global politics   
Pouliot 11—Professor of Poli Sci @ McGill University Vincent Pouliot, “Multilateralism as an End in Itself,” International Studies Perspectives (2011) 12, 18–26

Because it rests on open, nondiscriminatory debate, and … that further strengthen the impetus for multilateral dialog.  Pg. 21-23 

That cooperation is key to planetary survival—weak regulations risk extinction.
Masciulli 11—Professor of Political Science @ St Thomas University Joseph Masciulli, “The Governance Challenge for Global Political and Technoscientific Leaders in an Era of Globalization and Globalizing Technologies,” Bulletin of Science, Technology and Society February 2011 vol. 31 no. 1 pg. 3-5

What is most to be feared is enhanced global …survival and security to their longer term agendas. Pg. 4-5

AND, unipolarity directly trades off with US leadership. (finished in 2NC)
Ikenberry 6—Professor of Politics and International Affairs @ Princeton University G. John Ikenberry, Liberal International Theory in the Wake of 911 and American Unipolarity, 22 January 2006, pg. http://tinyurl.com/6v3vtyy

Liberalism and American Hegemony - A final crisis point … is now a reality that America itself must accommodate itself to.

2NC Overview—Tech
AND, our impact is 100 million times greater than nuclear war—You should vote neg even if 99 of humanity will perish.
?irkovi? 8—Professor of Physics @ University of Novi Sad in Serbia and Senior Research Associate at the Astronomical Observatory of Belgrade  Milan M. ?irkovi? Ph.D. (Fellow of the Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies), “How can we reduce the risk of human extinction?,” Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies, September 17, 2008, pg. http://ieet.org/index.php/IEET/print/2606 

The risks from anthropogenic hazards appear at present larger … regardless of how much one worries about extinction. 

A less than 1 risk of this impact wins the debate
Hughes 1—Executive Director of the Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies James J. Hughes Ph.D (Professor of medical ethics and research methods @ Trinity College), “Relinquishment or Regulation: Dealing with Apocalyptic Technological Threats,” Prepared for the Scientific Freedom and Responsibility Co-Curricular Initiative, Trinity College, Fall 2001, November 14, 2001

Many critics have dismissed Joy’s concerns as … line of research be to gamble with human existence?  Pg. 7 

2NC Fettweis—Empirics
AND, their authors ignore the foreign policy options other countries—makes their theoretical predictions bankrupt.
Hurrell 6—Director of the Centre for International Studies @ University of Oxford Andrew Hurrell, “Hegemony, liberalism and global order: what space for would-be great powers?” International Affairs 82, 1 (2006) 1?19

Neo-realist theory has generated an enormous and … of successful theory.  Pg. 6

Their defense of unipolarity is plagued by conceptual confusion and methodological laziness.
Yang 10—Ph.D Candidate in the Politics and International Relations Program @ University of Southern California Xiangfeng Yang, The Unipolar Challenge: Power, Culture and Authority and the Advent of War, March 25, 2010, pg. http://www.stockholm.sgir.eu/uploads/The20Unipolar20Challenge,203rd20Draft.pdf

Turning the conventional wisdom on its head, the … or the United States will do in the future.8 pg. 13

US restraint is risk free—interdependence and institutions will keep the peace.
Fettweis 10—Professor of Political Science at Tulane University Christopher J. Fettweis, Dangerous Times?: The International Politics of Great Power Peace, 2010

If the only thing standing between the world and … a world would be virtually risk free. pg. 175-176

2NC AT: N/U—Reintervene/Latch-on
AND, a robust and statistically significant study proves.
Bafumi and Parent 12—Professor of Government at Dartmouth College and Professor of Political Science at University of Miami Joseph Bafumi and Joseph Parent “International polarity and America’s polarization,” International Politics (2012) 49, pg. 1–35

We reach different predictions than rival … to make a virtue of this necessity. Pg. 26-28

The only comprehensive study proves no transition impact.
MacDonald and Parent 11—Professor of Political Science at Williams College and Professor of Political Science at University of Miami Paul K. MacDonald and Joseph M. Parent, “Graceful Decline? The Surprising Success of Great Power Retrenchment,” International Security, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Spring 2011), pp. 7–44

In this article, we question the logic and … recovered their relative position. Pg. 9-10

AT: Wohlforth
Wohlforth doesn’t account for minor power dissatisfaction.
Monteiro 11—Professor of Political Science at Yale University Nuno P. Monteiro, “Unrest Assured: Why Unipolarity Is Not Peaceful,” International Security, Vol. 36, No. 3 (Winter 2011/12), pp. 9–40

This article has laid out a theory of unipolarity … additional strategies facilitate conflict. Pg. 37

Tournament: USC | Round: Doubles | Opponent: UNT AK | Judge: Lindsey Shook, Sean Kennedy, Gabe Murillo
1NC – Epistemology K
Opposition between Western and indigenous epistemologies is rooted in essentialism.  Criticism of so-called Western epistemological forms undermines struggles against colonialism.
Chris ANDERSEN Michif (Métis) from western Canada. He is an associate professor in the
Faculty of Native Studies @ Alberta ‘9 “critical indigenous studies From Difference to Density” Cultural Studies Review 15 (2) p. 80-84

In two recent articles,3 American Indian … contemporary nation-states’ cultural power.

Defining indigenous identity in opposition to white and western epistemologies reduces Native peoples to a caricature of everything that non-Natives are not.  
Valuing indigenous perspectives because of their difference is condescending and creates a static identity trap.
Chris ANDERSEN Michif (Métis) from western Canada. He is an associate professor in the
Faculty of Native Studies @ Alberta ‘9 “critical indigenous studies From Difference to Density” Cultural Studies Review 15 (2) p.88-90

Champagne’s abstraction, imprecision and internal … Indigenous representations produced in and by white society.

The idea of an epistemic break between the Western and the indigenous reinforces the qualities of abstraction and essentialism they criticize as “Western”
Chris ANDERSEN Michif (Métis) from western Canada. He is an associate professor in the
Faculty of Native Studies @ Alberta ‘9 “critical indigenous studies From Difference to Density” Cultural Studies Review 15 (2) p.94

Moreton-Robinson thus hits the nail on … outside its power, it doesn’t necessarily make it so. 

Their appeal to indigenous experience and culture shields oppressive politics.
Rey CHOW Modern Culture and Media @ Brown ’98 Ethics After Idealism p.8-9

On the other hand, precisely because of the … that is within an indigenous culture. 

Our alternative: Recognize the epistemological diversity and density of native communities. Epistemological investigation should emphasize density not absolute difference because Western epistemes assist everyday struggles against resource exploitation.
Chris ANDERSEN Michif (Métis) from western Canada. He is an associate professor in the
Faculty of Native Studies @ Alberta ‘9 “critical indigenous studies From Difference to Density” Cultural Studies Review 15 (2) p.95-96

By way of conclusion, let me offer some … ultimately parochial Indigenous studies.
1NR – Impact
Turns the case – violence of conceptual abstraction shows up in nativism not just colonialism.
Zaheer BABER Sociology @ Saskatchewan ‘2 The European Legacy 7 (6) p. 748-749

Despite the highly mediated nature of the diverse … not by any means exhaust the laundry list.
?
Even if they are right about the starting point that criticizes indefinite detentian – they create Anti-Western conformity.   
N. Martin NAKATA ET AL Nura Gili Centre for Indigenous Programs, University of New South Wales ’12 “Decolonial goals and pedagogies for Indigenous studies” 1 (1) p. 121

A number of points are threaded through … Indigenous, decolonial, or Western theorising.

1NR Link
Red People.  The red body is a product of colonial legal orders, not an alternative to them.  Their advocacy presumes that the Red body predates, and bursts open the Law.  However, red-identity formation and consolidation is a contingent process resulting from differentiation from white and black bodies inscribed in the law of slavery. There is no “Red body” outside colonialism.
Taylor 11 Melanie Benson Taylor, Dartmouth, Ph.D., Boston University, 2005; M.A., Boston University, 1999; B.A., Smith College, 1998 “Reconstructing the Native South: American Indian Literature and the Lost Cause”

Neither homogenizing nor harmonious, race in the Southeast … his associates cannot hold his tongue, though: 

AT: Perm
Their caveats and 2AC anti-essentialism aren’t sufficient to overcome the problem of defining indigeneity as inherently non-Western.
Chris ANDERSEN Michif (Métis) from western Canada. He is an associate professor in the
Faculty of Native Studies @ Alberta ‘9 “critical indigenous studies From Difference to Density” Cultural Studies Review 15 (2) p.90-91

Champagne’s argument is clearly dedicated … part of the paper will address these issues.

Tournament: CSUF | Round: 6 | Opponent: Kentucky GrRo | Judge: Jonah Feldman
1NC Lawfare K
The affirmative’s use of the law is a militaristic tactic that creates legal legitimacy to propel more frequent, more deadly violent interventions that ensure infrastructural violence that maims civilians—they actively displace moral questions in favor of a pathologically detached question of legality
Thomas SMITH Gov’t and Int’l Affairs @ South Florida 2 “The New Law of War: Legitimizing Hi-Tech and Infrastructural Violence” Int’l Studies Quarterly, 46, p. 367-371

The role of military lawyers in all this … from politics will be dim indeed.

Liberal institutionalism is an imperial ideology disguised by the language of science.  Liberal institutionalism requires the elimination of non-liberal forms of life to achieve national security
Tony SMITH Poli Sci @ Tufts 12 Conceptual Politics of Democracy Promotion eds. Hobson and Kurki p. 206-210

Writing in 1952, Reinhold Niebuhr expressed this … was much more likely to succeed. 

Militarism is a fundamentally unsustainable system that is the root cause of all extinction threats and ensures mass structural violence – non-violence is the only possible response
Dr. Joel KOVEL. Alger Hiss Professor of Social Studies at Bard College, 2 November 21, 2002, “The United States Military Machine,” http://joelkovel.com/the-united-states-military-machine/

I want to talk to you this evening about war - not the immediate threat
AND
military machine is about to plunge, dragging us all down with it.

Alternative—Challenge to conceptual framework of national security.  Only our alternative displaces the source of executive overreach. Legal restraint without conceptual change is futile.  
Aziz RANA Law at Cornell 11 “Who Decides on Security?” Cornell Law Faculty Working Papers, Paper 87, http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87 p. 45-51

The prevalence of these continuities between Frankfurter’s vision and contemporary judicial arguments raise serious concerns
AND
, we can expect our prevailing security arrangements to become ever more entrenched.

Tournament: UK | Round: 2 | Opponent: George Washington NS | Judge: Mike Davis
1NC K
Liberal legitimacy and hegemony is an imperial ideology disguised by the language of science.  Liberal institutionalism requires the elimination of non-liberal forms of life to achieve national security
Tony SMITH Poli Sci @ Tufts 12 Conceptual Politics of Democracy Promotion eds. Hobson and Kurki p. 206-210

Writing in 1952, Reinhold Niebuhr expressed this point in what remains arguably the single
AND
for the sake of a democratising crusade was much more likely to succeed. 

This drive to destroy non-liberal ways of life will culminate in extinction
Batur 7 Pinar, PhD @ UT-Austin – Prof. of Sociology @ Vassar, The Heart of Violence: Global Racism, War, and Genocide, Handbook of The Sociology of Racial and Ethnic Relations, eds. Vera and Feagin, p. 441-3

War and genocide are horrid, and taking them for granted is inhuman. In
AND
this “geography of hunger and exploitation” are Iraq and New Orleans.

Alternative—Challenge to conceptual framework of national security.  Only our alternative displaces the source of executive overreach. Legal restraint without conceptual change is futile.  
Aziz RANA Law at Cornell 11 “Who Decides on Security?” Cornell Law Faculty Working Papers, Paper 87, http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87 p. 45-51

The prevalence of these continuities between Frankfurter’s vision and contemporary judicial arguments raise serious concerns
AND
, we can expect our prevailing security arrangements to become ever more entrenched.

2NC Impact
Colonialism is an unacceptable ethical violation. You should refuse to vote affirmative regardless of the good they claim to achieve.  
Nermeen Shaikh, @ Asia Source, 7 Development 50, “Interrogating Charity and the Benevolence of Empire,” Palgrave-Journals

It would probably be incorrect to assume that the principal impulse behind the imperial conquests
AND
identities in Palestine and the Mediterranean generally (Anidjar, 2003, 2007).

Their magnitude and escalation claims support an imperial paradigm of war against illiberal ways of life.  Narratives of global vulnerability and extinction support recolonization by the global North.
Mark DUFFIELD Global Insecurities Centre and Politics @ Bristol (UK) 10 “Global Insecurities Centre, Department of Politics Exploring the Global Life-Chance Divide” Security Dialogue 41 p. 67-69

With the ending of the Cold War, the steady increase in humanitarian disasters plus
AND
usual as the liberal way of development moves back to the political foreground.

AT: Case Outweighs (Hegemony)
We should try to see the consequences of hegemony from the outside in—incredible destruction, further instability, and tyranny.  Their impacts are constructed by our refusal to see beyond insular American IR.
Von Eschen 5—Penny Von Eschen, History @ Michigan “Enduring Public Diplomacy,” American Quarterly 57.2 MUSE

An account of U.S. public diplomacy and empire in Iraq can be
AND
longtime support from the United States as a countervailing force against India.8
Stretching across multiple regions, but just as crucial for reading U.S.
AND
been an abiding feature of U.S. politics and public discourse.

AT: Case Outweighs (Terrorism)
Extinction level impact scenarios structurally distort risk analysis.  Their case impact solidifies an ideology of national security at all costs.
Oliver KESSLER Sociology @ Bielefeld AND Christopher DAASE Poli Sci @ Munich 8 “From Insecurity to Uncertainty: Risk and the Paradox of Security Politics” Alternatives 33 p. 223-228

The objective is to develop means and methods to deal with uncertainty and reduce it
AND
of how "us and them" are constructed in the first place.

2NC K Prior
Legitimacy is a weapon for the national-security apparatus.  Legal restrictions enable the U.S. to wage more precisely regulated and brutal forms of war.
Francisco J. CONTRERAS Prf. Philosophy of Law @ Seville AND Ignacio de la RASILLA Ph.D. candidate in international law, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva, 8 “On War as Law and Law as War” Leiden Journal of International Law Vol. 21 Issue 3 p. 770-773

Kennedy begins by coldly contradicting those opponents of the Bush administration ‘that have routinely
AND
develop ‘a life of their own’, an autonomous, perverted dynamism.

ALT – Role of Intellectual/Rhetorical Criticism
Debating the rhetorical frame for war-fighting decisions is the only way to address the source of war-fighting abuses.
Jeremy ENGELS Communications @ Penn St. AND William SAAS PhD Candidate Comm. @ Penn ST. 13 “On Acquiescence and Ends-Less War: An Inquiry into the New War Rhetoric” Quarterly Journal of Speech 99 (2) p. 230-231

The framing of public discussion facilitates acquiescence in contemporary wartime: thus, both the
AND
creating space for talk where we have previously been content to remain silent.

Democratic Peace K—Turns Case
Stability offered by liberal-democratic assistance comes at a price—they establish the conditions for long-term exploitation and genocide. The historical record of democratic interventions proves the reality of solvency never lives up to the rhetoric
Oliver RICHMOND IR and Director of Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies @ St. Andrews 9 New Perspectives on liberal peacebuilding eds. Newman, Paris and Richmond p. 59-63

Backsliding: Emerging problems with the liberal peace The liberal peace offers a blueprint and
AND
It is marked by local co-option, backsliding and international unease.

Tournament: UKRR | Round: 6 | Opponent: MSU RaTh | Judge: Jason Russell
1NC Alt
Alternative—We should reject the appeal to national security as a value for restraining the executive.  We should restrain executive war powers through an anti-racial subordination frame.   Refusing accommodation with values of the security state is a precondition for preventing racialized hierarchy.
Gil GOTT Int’l Studies @ DePaul 5 “The Devil We Know: Racial Subordination and National Security Law” Villanova Law Review, Vol. 50, Iss. 4, p. 1075-1076 

Anti-subordinationist principles require taking more complete account of how enemy groups are racialized
AND
against historical and ongoing racebased subordination through the racialization of "security threats."

AT: Perm
The multilateral vision of American leadership is no less Orientalist – they still divide the world between liberal democracies and illiberal peoples.  Rejecting the aff’s justifications is a pre-requisite for genuine change.

Richard FALK Emeritus Int’l Law @ Princeton ‘9 Achieving Human Rights p. 52-53

The transition to a regulated structure of world order is underway and is assured unless
AND
decisive way the deforming impacts of Orientalism in all of its sinister forms.

Including their mainstream liberal option ward offs kritik of the discourses that ground u.s. foreign policy.   
Burke 7—Anthony Burke, Senior Lecturer @ School of Politics and IR @ Univ. of New South Wales Beyond Security, Ethics and Violence, p. 3-4

These frameworks are interrogated at the level both of their theoretical conceptualisation and their practice
AND
economic and cultural, within which it operates at the present time'.1
It is clear that traditionally coercive and violent approaches to security and strategy are both
AND
a claustrophic structure of political and ethical possibility that systematically wards off critique.

AIKS Legitimate

1.  We should be analyzing the relationship between the plan and the advantages, not just the plan alone.  Policy stories, like the 1ac institutionalize a particular understanding of both problems and solutions.  Their advantage choices crowd out different policy practices and concepts.
   Ole SENDING Research Fellow @ Norweigan Inst. of Int’l Affairs 4 Global Institutions and Development eds. Morten Boas and Desmond McNeil p.  58-59

Granted that the objectification and definition of a given phenomenon is open to a variety
AND
the desirability and adequacy of adopting a specific policy approach to resolve it.
This conceptualization incorporates how politically motivated actors integrate scientifically produced imowledge in the form of
AND
Douglas 1986; March and Olsen 1989: Scott and Meyer. 1994). 

2.  Different advocacies affect implementation—an alternative that includes the plan but challenges part of the advocacy is legitimate.
Neta CRAWFORD Poli Sci and African American Studies @ Boston University 2 Argument and Change in World Politics p. 9-10

Chapter 9, “Poiesis and Praxis: Toward Ethical World Politics,” develops an
AND
as much as change is due to accident or material forces and structures. 

AT: Specificity
Concludes ABOSLUTELY NEG – This is an article criticizing constructivists for abandoning grounding in critical theory and interpretivist methods.  
Here’s the abstract:

Richard PRICE AND Christian REUS-SMIT ’98 “Dangerous Liaisons? Critical International
Theory and Constructivism” http://www.artsrn.ualberta.ca/courses/PoliticalScience/661B1/documents/PriceReusSmithCriticalInternatlTheoryConstructivism.pdf

The 1990s have seen the emergence of a new ‘constructivist’ approach to international theory
AND
theories, but one that also promises to advance critical international theory itself.
We’ll concede this claim to prove that aff inclusivity is legitimate.  Their own card says we should use interpretative methods that avoid totalizing claims instead of positivist covering-law methods.  Intersubjective social construction and normative effects are in play.  To quote from their conclusion:

Richard PRICE AND Christian REUS-SMIT ’98 “Dangerous Liaisons? Critical International
Theory and Constructivism” http://www.artsrn.ualberta.ca/courses/PoliticalScience/661B1/documents/PriceReusSmithCriticalInternatlTheoryConstructivism.pdf

Conclusion There are many constructivists, and thus perhaps many constructivisms. Our concern here
AND
program and in responses to it — all the better for the discipline.
  
AT: Bacevich
Bacevich goes neg
Bacevich 13
Andrew, professor of history and international relations (Boston University), Ph.D. in American Diplomatic History (Princeton), “The New American Militarism”, Oxford Press, Revised Edition

Today as never before in their history Americans are enthralled with military power. The
AND
, which does not serve our interests and may yet prove our undoing.

Tournament: Ndt | Round: 7 | Opponent: Kansas Birzer-Campbell | Judge: Antonucci, Donlan, Walters

Each iteration of international law condemns colonialism and promises this time will be different. The civilizing mission is built into the structure of international law.

Antony ANGHIE Law @ Utah ’5 Imperialism, Sovereignty, and the Making of International Law p. 112-114

Positivism and the nineteenth century are an integral part of the contemporary discipline. Simplifying
AND
a very distinctive, and yet entirely familiar, part of international law.

The impact is endless warfare—the colonial impulse underlying i-law requires periodic crisis in order to violently reassert itself.

Frédéric MÉGRET, Assistant-Professor of Law at the University of Toronto, 6 ~"From ’savages’ to ’unlawful combatants’: a postcolonial look at international law’s ’other’," http://people.mcgill.ca/files/frederic.megret/Megret-SavagesandtheLawsofWar.pdf~~ 

It is in this light that the curious and tragic unraveling of the war-
AND
civilized’ who ’savaged’ themselves, through no responsibility other than their own.
But there is a deeper point at stake that has implications for both the West
AND
dichotomy that must surely appear under a very different light in our era.
The perceived ’savagery’ of ’savages’, perhaps even more than Europe’s self-
AND
of primitive non-statal entities ensured that campaigns were short-lived.
The state, on the contrary — and this is arguably what nineteenth century humanitarians saw before everyone else — introduced the prospect of wars that would draw on the massive economies of scale brought about by greater territory and modern technology. It should be fairly clear, in this context, that even the most violent of ’tribal’ skirmishes paled in comparison to the systematic onslaught of the state’s war machinery.
Whatever the case may be, even as we rediscover the relativity of ’savagery’
AND
violence, as if the rules had only been formulated to be broken.
It may well be, therefore, that the spread of the West’s own model of centralized, industrialized violence — essentially the fabrication of a dehumanized war machinery — to the rest of the world, manifested itself in an exponential increase in the overall amount of violence experienced by humankind.
The crumbling of the founding dichotomy between ’civilization’ and ’savagery’, moreover, can only send the laws of war stumbling down into a spiral of decomposition, and inaugurate the crisis that we may now be witnessing; it may also explain why, paradoxically, the laws of war need their ’savages’, whether they be war criminals, terrorists or unlawful combatants, and go through periodic ’crises of otherness’ that lead them to reassert, almost spasmodically, their foundational counter-image.

Alternative—Challenge to conceptual framework of national security.  Only our alternative displaces the source of executive overreach. Legal restraint without conceptual change is futile.

Aziz RANA Law at Cornell 11 ~"Who Decides on Security?" Cornell Law Faculty Working Papers, Paper 87, http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87 p. 45-51~

The prevalence of these continuities between Frankfurter’s vision and contemporary judicial arguments raise serious concerns
AND
, we can expect our prevailing security arrangements to become ever more entrenched.

Tournament: Ndt | Round: 7 | Opponent: Kansas Birzer-Campbell | Judge: Antonucci, Donlan, Walters

Reformist measures aimed at regulation of warfare with i-law are grounded in the West’s attempts at define itself as civilized against the savage other.  Their impacts can’t be separated from the process of colonial identity formation—turns the case because it causes ineffective modeling that displaces effective local forms of regulating violence

Frédéric MÉGRET, Assistant-Professor of Law at the University of Toronto, 6 ~"From ’savages’ to ’unlawful combatants’: a postcolonial look at international law’s ’other’," http://people.mcgill.ca/files/frederic.megret/Megret-SavagesandtheLawsofWar.pdf~~ 

Far from being merely a perversion, I have sought to show how exclusion and
AND
against the Law: something like the discreet exclusionary work of law itself.
It is this model — putatively universal but profoundly exclusive — that has been expanded
AND
simultaneously crystallized (something that could be said of much of international law).
It may be that such is the price to pay if one is to ever
AND
is the balance sheet of international humanitarian law’s mediation of the colonial encounter?
Through colonization, did the non-Western world at least get the benefits of
AND
fact, particularly hopeless in regulating warfare among or within the recent converts.
But perhaps more attention should be paid to what the laws of war have excluded
AND
case no culture could be said to have been specifically dispossessed of anything.  
But typically this scholarship may well end up overemphasizing the similarities between such traditions,
AND
the message (the disincarnated idea that restraint in warfare is an obligation).  
One fruitful and so far hardly pursued avenue of research, therefore, would try
AND
light on the devastating consequences of conflicts in places like Africa for example.
In the meantime, it is tempting to think that the universalization of the laws of war has often left the non-Western world in the worst of places: one where existing traditions have been sufficiently destabilized to be discredited, but where the promise of ’civilization’, hailed as the prize for massive societal transformation along Western lines, has failed to materialize.  
The (missed) encounter between colonialism and the laws of war has also had
AND
a distinct reformist sensitivity, not to mention the discipline’s relatively good conscience.

Framing war powers restrictions as a means to achieve greater national security quashes political alternatives to unilateral war-fighting.

Francisco J. CONTRERAS Prf. Philosophy of Law @ Seville AND Ignacio de la RASILLA Ph.D. candidate in international law, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva, 8 ~"On War as Law and Law as War" Leiden Journal of International Law Vol. 21 Issue 3 p. 770-773~

Kennedy begins by coldly contradicting those opponents of the Bush administration ’that have routinely
AND
develop ’a life of their own’, an autonomous, perverted dynamism.

Debating the rhetorical frame for war-fighting decisions is the only way to address the source of war-fighting abuses.

Jeremy ENGELS Communications @ Penn St. AND William SAAS PhD Candidate Comm. @ Penn ST. 13 ~"On Acquiescence and Ends-Less War: An Inquiry into the New War Rhetoric" Quarterly Journal of Speech 99 (2) p. 230-231~

The framing of public discussion facilitates acquiescence in contemporary wartime: thus, both the
AND
creating space for talk where we have previously been content to remain silent.

International law extends colonial domination.  Each definition of civil international conduct requires an unciviled other from the periphery.

Antony ANGHIE Law @ Utah ’5 Imperialism, Sovereignty, and the Making of International Law p. 310-315

This book argues that colonialism was central to the constitution of international law and sovereignty
AND
furthers, constitute in part the primordial and essential identity of international law.

Links outweigh their turns—security discourse is more important than presidentialism for the abuses the aff tries to prevent.

Zuckerman 12—Ian, thesis for Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Columbia University ~"The Politics of Emergencies: War, Security and the Boundaries of the Exception in Modern Emergency Powers," pdf~

A possible reason Ackerman keeps veering off course in this discussion has to do with
AND
disrupted by insisting that drugs are neither crime nor war but an emergency.

Reject the forced choice of international law’s universality—aligning yourself with those living under contemporary colonialism opens political space for alternatives

Tayyab MAHMUD, Professor of Law and Director, Center for Global Justice, Seattle University School of Law, 10 ~"Colonial Cartographies, Postcolonial Borders, and Enduring Failures of International Law: The Unending Wars Along the Afghanistan-Pakistan Frontier," Brooklyn Journal of International Law, 36 Brooklyn J. Int’l L. 1, Lexis~

The doctrine of uti possidetis, far from being grounded in any sound legal principle
AND
over people when confronted with assertions of the right of self-determination.
C. Colonial Boundaries, Unequal Treaties, and International Law
Treaties between imperial powers and a variety of agreements between colonizers and native authorities played
AND
has similarly resisted confronting the question of unequal treaties for the same purpose.
The Durand Line raises the question of the validity of the 1893 agreement dictated by
AND
a series of conceptual and institutional maneuvers to make it disappear from sight.
The status of unequal treaties n415 in international law first arose in the nineteenth century
AND
—collective military action by the Western powers in the global South. n419
Faced with questions about the validity of unequal treaties, the initial Western response was
AND
lies in the suggestion that perhaps nothing really needs to be justified." n426
International lawyers deployed the same line of reasoning to defang the classic doctrine of ribus
AND
sacrificed at the altar of pacta sunt servanda (agreements must be kept).
International law deals with the issue of coercion, duress, and unequal treaties with
AND
a world of uneven resources and opportunity costs," n440 and move on.
 ~*73~  The history of unequal treaties underscores that "the history of
AND
foundational injunction of the Enlightenment—"dare to know"—who declaimed that:
The origin of supreme power, for all practical purposes, is not discoverable by
AND
to civil law, and they constitute a menace to the state. n443
International law, like modern law itself, is not so daring after all. It turns out that its primary function is to enable "~s~tates to carry on their day-to-day intercourse along orderly and predictable lines." n444 It is of little concern to it that the lines within which states have to exist in order "to carry out their day-to-day intercourse" are unstable, contested, and fruits of the exercise of imperial domination.
V. CONCLUSION
Modern colonialism was nothing if not an exercise in audacity. The global reach of
AND
age when the forces and processes of globalization had supposedly rendered them irrelevant.
Modem international law, which in its incipient stage lent license to colonial rule,
AND
and sights with the other side of the lines drawn by international law.

We should frame the question of executive power in terms of racialized harm and otherization. Refusing accommodation with values of the security state is a precondition for preventing racialized hierarchy.

Gil GOTT Int’l Studies @ DePaul 5 "The Devil We Know: Racial Subordination and National Security Law" Villanova Law Review, Vol. 50, Iss. 4, p. 1075-1076 

Anti-subordinationist principles require taking more complete account of how enemy groups are racialized
AND
against historical and ongoing racebased subordination through the racialization of "security threats."

Perm guarantees legal norms serve national security. Their framing treats law as an instrument.  That undermines restraint.

Susanne KRASMANN Institute for Criminological Research, University of Hamburg 12 ~"Law’s knowledge: On the susceptibility and resistance of legal practices to security matters" Theoretical Criminology 16 (4) p. 380-382~

In the face of these developments, a new debate on how to contain governmental
AND
the rule of law but also with the identified necessities of security government.

Prioritizing security makes centralization of executive power inevitable – Cultural shift away from primacy is a pre-requisite to legal restraint.

Aziz RANA Law @ Cornell 11 ~The Two Faces of American Freedom p. 344~

Currently, with the unabated growth of plebiscitary rule and corporate governance, we are
AND
must emerge in the public realm to demand and support ideals of freedom.

Existential risk claims magnify instrumentalizing the law to fit national security ends.

Susanne KRASMANN Institute for Criminological Research, University of Hamburg 12 ~"Law’s knowledge: On the susceptibility and resistance of legal practices to security matters" Theoretical Criminology 16 (4) p. 386-387~

It is, paradoxically, the state of uncertainty that enables security matters to be
AND
and, in this way, may also affect the rule of law.

Liberal institutionalism is an imperial ideology disguised by the language of science.  Liberal institutionalism requires the elimination of non-liberal forms of life.

Tony SMITH Poli Sci @ Tufts 12 ~Conceptual Politics of Democracy Promotion eds. Hobson and Kurki p. 206-210~

Writing in 1952, Reinhold Niebuhr expressed this point in what remains arguably the single
AND
for the sake of a democratising crusade was much more likely to succeed. 

Focus on motivations and cultural explanations for war solidify the superiority of the U.S. versus dangerous others.

Derek GREGORY Geography @ University of British Columbia 10 ~"War and peace" Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 35 p. 175-176~

Inverting ’Inverting’ describes the cultural-political production of enemies as radically Other:
AND
he is right to wonder about the prospect of a counter-visuality.

Tournament: Ndt | Round: 7 | Opponent: Kansas Birzer-Campbell | Judge: Antonucci, Donlan, Walters

The President of the United States should bind itself to the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice for decisions regarding the guarantee of the status, rights, protections, and responsibilities of consular officials inside a receiving state as per the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations.

CP solves ICJ cred

Koplow 13 (David A. is Professor of Law and Director of the Center for Applied Legal Studiesat Georgetown University Law Center. He was Special Counsel for Arms Control to the General Counsel, U.S. Department of Defense, Washington, DC, from 2009 to 2011, "Indisputable Violations: What Happens When the United States Unambiguously Breaches a Treaty?", Volume 37:1 Winter 2013)

In 2003, a third case arose over a group of fifty -one Mexican
AND
good faith e~23orts to implement the obligations incumbent upon it."17
In 2005, President George W. Bush determined that the United States would "
AND
constitutional authority to compel state officials to conform. Medellin was then executed.
These cases are far from simple. The raise some of the most complicated points
AND
bromides from both Democratic and Republican executive branch leaders have persistently proven unavailing.
In 2005, frustrated with the inability to ensure compliance and embarrassed by repeatedly losing
AND
.S. nationals abroad by bringing its own suits in the ICJ.

Tournament: Ndt | Round: 7 | Opponent: Kansas Birzer-Campbell | Judge: Antonucci, Donlan, Walters

Rouhani has found the middle ground between pleasing conservatives and home and reducing tensions with Israel.  Israel must continue to be conciliatory for the Israel-Iranian "reconciliation" to come to fruition.  Failure risks war

Neubauer 3/18/14 – Defense and foreign affairs specialist @ International Institute for Strategic Studies ~Sigurd Neubauer, "Diplomacy With Iran: Not a Zero-Sum Game for Israel," Huffington Post, Posted: 03/18/2014 9:02 am EDT Updated: 03/18/2014 9:59 am EDT, pg. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/sigurd-neubauer/diplomacy-with-iran-not-a_b_4967068.html

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu famously lambasted the November interim nuclear agreement between Iran and
AND
. Congress seems to have been temporarily averted by Netanyahu’s recent AIPAC address.
Amid these shifting variables, certain facts about Iran and Israel are lost. For
AND
but reduced the descendants of the great Persian civilization into an international pariah.
As the Arab Spring has proven, Arab Islamists have been unwilling to look to Iran for leadership, despite Ahmadinjad’s uncompromising Israel rhetoric. While Hamas has willingly accepted Iranian funding and arms for the past decade, the Gaza-based Islamist group quickly turned its back on Tehran’s strategic interest by supporting the Sunni insurgency against the embattled Syrian government.
Growing Sunni radicalism across the Middle East and in Syria in particular has not only
AND
Palestinians reached. Khatami’s stance should be considered a tantamount recognition of Israel.
At the present state, Rouhani could find a middle ground between conservatives at home and the need to reduce tensions with Israel. After all, Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, has clearly made a strategic decision to support the ongoing negotiations with the world powers. As negotiations move forward, neither Obama nor Khamenei can afford pro-Israel groups demanding additional sanctions as they’ve vested their personal prestige, to the point of no return.
As we have argued, Israel has become the "white elephant" in the room. Given this fact, coupled with Israel’s many friends in the U.S. Congress who remain "distrustful" of Iran, Israel-Iranian "reconciliation" of sorts has to take place in order for U.S.-Iran diplomacy to fully succeed.
At this critical juncture, President Rouhani could tackle the question of Israel indirectly by
AND
S.-Iran dialogue is not a zero-sum game for Israel.

Handing war initiation authority to Congress will stoke Israeli fears of presidential paralysis—causes preemptive strikes

Kramer 13 - President of Shalem College and expert on contemporary Islam and Arab politics ~Dr. Martin Kramer, (Received his PhD in Near Eastern Studies from Princeton and History M.A. from Columbia University  "Israel Likes Its U.S. Presidents Strong," Commentary, 09.17.2013 - 11:25 AM, pg. http://www.commentarymagazine.com/2013/09/17/israel-likes-its-u-s-presidents-strong-2/

Israelis always imagined they would go to Mr. Obama with a crucial piece of
AND
Washington, can Israel afford to wait if action against Iran becomes urgent?
Israel’s standing in Congress and U.S. public opinion is high, but the Syrian episode has shown how dead-set both are against U.S. military action in the Middle East. Israel won’t have videos of dying children to sway opinion, and it won’t be able to share its intelligence outside the Oval Office. Bottom line: The chance that Israel may need to act first against Iran has gone up.
Why was Obama’s recourse to Congress so alarming? Israel has long favored strong presidential
AND
, and set the stage for Israel’s decision to launch a preemptive war.
2013 isn’t 1967. But Israel long ago concluded that the only thing as worrisome as a diffident America is a diffident American president—and that a president’s decision to resort to Congress, far from being a constitutional imperative, is a sign of trouble at the top.
"Not worth five cents"
What did Israel want from Lyndon Johnson in May 1967? On May 22,
AND
Johnson in the Yellow Oval Room on May 26 to make Israel’s case.
Johnson astonished Eban by pleading that he didn’t have sufficient authority to act. The U.S. memorandum of conversation summarized it this way:
President Johnson said he is of no value to Israel if he does not have the support of his Congress, the Cabinet and the people. Going ahead without this support would not be helpful to Israel…
We did not know what our Congress would do. We are fully aware of what three past Presidents have said but this is not worth five cents if the people and the Congress did not support the President…
If he were to take a precipitous decision tonight he could not be effective in helping Israel… The President knew his Congress after 30 years of experience. He said that he would try to get Congressional support; that is what he has been doing over the past days, having called a number of Congressmen. It is going reasonably well…
The President said again the Constitutional processes are basic to actions on matters involving war and peace. We are trying to bring Congress along. He said: "What I can do, I do."
Abba Eban later gave a more devastating version of the "five-cent"
AND
votes, I will not be able to carry out" American commitments.
Johnson must have understood the impression he was leaving upon Eban. In the Israeli
AND
a coward suggested that he realized just how feckless he must have seemed.
In his two memoirs, Eban recalled his astonishment at this apparent abdication:
I remember being almost stunned by the frequency with which ~Johnson~ used the rhetoric of impotence. This ostensibly strong leader had become a paralyzed president. The Vietnam trauma had stripped him of his executive powers….
I’ve often ask myself if there was ever a president who spoke in such defeatist
AND
possibility of Soviet intervention, however unlikely, could not be totally ignored.
The revulsion of Americans from the use of their own armed forces had virtually destroyed his presidential function. I was astonished that he was not too proud to avoid these self-deprecatory statements in the presence of so many of his senior associates. I thought that I could see ~Defense~ Secretary McNamara and ~chairman of the Joint Chiefs~ General Wheeler wilt with embarrassment every time that he said how little power of action he had.
The tactical objective, the cancellation of the Eilat blockade, was limited in scope
AND
the White House, but the presidency was effectively out of his hands.
After the meeting, Johnson wrote a letter to Israeli prime minister Levi Eshkol,
AND
Israel to act on its own. It finally did on June 5.
"Too big for business as usual"
In light of this history, it’s not hard to see why Israel would view
AND
Israel takes to the White House—Israel needs presidents who are decisive.

This is especially true for the ICJ—they are empirically anti-Israel and NEW ACTIONS trigger Israeli threat perceptions

Kalman 13 ~Aaron Kalman is a writer and breaking news editor for the Times of Israel American attorney Richard Heideman says international law abused to harm Jewish state; slams world for not prosecuting Assad ’ICJ treatment of Israel biased, as seen in Syria’ The Times of Israel http://www.timesofisrael.com/icj-treatment-of-israel-biased-as-seen-in-syria/~~23ixzz2xK1UL3ER~~

In 2003, the UN General Assembly asked the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for its opinion regarding Israel’s recently constructed security barrier. That request was, according to American attorney Richard Heideman, a landmark part of the ongoing war against Israel, one which had turned "from the use of force to the use of words."
As international players such as the Arab League filed their briefings to the ICJ, the prominent lawyer and former B’nai B’rith president filed the only briefing by a nongovernmental body, on behalf of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. "I argued a very basic argument," he recalls almost a decade later at a Tel Aviv hotel, "that Israel, like any other country in the world, has the right and the obligation to protect its citizens."
For many, the resulting July 2004 advisory ruling against Israel has become a cornerstone
AND
on the threats sounded by the Palestinian Authority as it negotiates with Israel.
The American attorney had previously voiced his opinion that Syrian President Bashar Assad should be taken to court. He said actions carried out by Assad over the past two years "are war crimes and crimes against humanity and the Syrian regime must be held accountable."
"The fact that the General Assembly referred the matter of the terror prevention fence to the ICJ so quickly… but after more than two years and 100,000 people killed," has yet to prosecute Assad or Syria shows the system is extremely flawed, he says. "The legal system is biased against Israel, and the Syrian example proves it."
In a July 2004 advisory opinion issued by the ICJ, it called upon Israel to remove the barrier and compensate those damaged by its initial construction. It also listed other Israeli actions it viewed as illegal, which had little to do with the barrier itself.
Heideman says the court didn’t look at the context in which the fence was built. "The fact that it was constructed after years of fighting," or that "it was built because hundreds of Israelis were killed and thousands hurt in terror bombings" wasn’t addressed by the court.
"Those who asked the ICJ for its opinion worded the questions in a way that would harm Israel," the lawyer argues. "They referred to the fence as a wall," he says, in an effort "to make Israel look bad… Whoever studies the topic knows that only 5-10 percent of the terror-preventing barrier is a wall; the rest is a fence."
Building of settlemnt with the arab village in the background
Heideman makes sure to call the barrier (which has many terms, depending upon one’s political stance,) the "terrorism-prevention fence" throughout the entire interview, using the terminology laid out by Israel’s Foreign Ministry during the ICJ debate.
In his latest book, "The Hague Odyssey," Heideman shares his experiences from the ICJ case against Israel. However, he says, the starting point of the story is as old — if not older — than the state of Israel. "The fighting against Israel started before there was an Israel," but at one point "it shifted from a military offensive to a verbal one.
"The 1975 motion brought before the UN, which stated that Zionist Jews were bad people and that Zionism was a form of racism" was a landmark change in the fight against Israel, Heideman says. Since then, "the war against Israel turned to words against Israel."
"President George W. Bush had made his Rose Garden address, in which
AND
" — chose to refer the issue of the fence to the ICJ.
Heideman says that although Israel and other countries argued that the court didn’t have jurisdiction over the issue, "its judges decided they could move forward with it."
1234
According to Heideman, the new strategy "is trying to demonize Israel" and
AND
the public discourse, framing "Israel as the violator of human rights."
One of the most absurd things during the hearing process, he says, is that "the court refused to look at a detailed, in-depth ruling by Israel’s High Court of Justice issued weeks before the ICJ gave its opinion." Rather, "they dismissed it entirely, even though it had access to first-hand facts on the ground and included petitions by Palestinians affected by the fence."
Currently the honorary chairperson of SCIL, an annual student conference on international law organized by StandWithUs, Heideman spoke to The Times of Israel shortly after spending time with the next generation of attorneys and international law experts. "The world of international law is moving toward international jurisdiction," was his response when asked about the future of his field.
International jurisdiction is "a situation in which any person could be prosecuted and tried
AND
-prevention fence" have had subpoenas issued against them in various countries.
Heideman says that one outcome of the move toward international jurisdiction and the 2004 ICJ ruling is that the Palestinians are currently "threatening Israel with two weapons," even as they hold talks under the auspices of US Secretary of State John Kerry.
Israel is threatened "both by a possible third intifada and by the Palestinian Authority
AND
, is "how it will react to the future challenges it faces."

Nuclear world war III

Reuveny 10 - Professor of political economy @ Indiana University  ~Dr. Rafael Reuveny (PhD in Economics and Political Science from the University of Indiana), "Guest Opinion: Unilateral strike on Iran could trigger world depression," McClatchy Newspaper, Aug 9, 2010, pg. http://www.indiana.edu/~~spea/news/speaking_out/reuveny_on_unilateral_strike_Iran.shtml

BLOOMINGTON, Ind. — A unilateral Israeli strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities would likely
AND
U.S. forces on nuclear alert, replaying Nixon’s nightmarish scenario.
Iran may well feel duty-bound to respond to a unilateral attack by its Israeli archenemy, but it knows that it could not take on the United States head-to-head. In contrast, if the United States leads the attack, Iran’s response would likely be muted.
If Iran chooses to absorb an American-led strike, its allies would likely protest and send weapons but would probably not risk using force.
While no one has a crystal ball, leaders should be risk-averse when choosing war as a foreign policy tool. If attacking Iran is deemed necessary, Israel must wait for an American green light. A unilateral Israeli strike could ultimately spark World War III.

Tournament: Ndt | Round: 7 | Opponent: Kansas Birzer-Campbell | Judge: Antonucci, Donlan, Walters

DA

Escalation risks extinction—prioritize preventing the only irreversible impact

Giribets 12 ~Miguel Giribets, "If US Attacks Iran, Human Survival May Be at Risk (Part III)," Argen Press, 10 January 2012, pg. http://watchingamerica.com/News/141596/if-us-attacks-iran-human-survival-may-be-at-risk-part-iii/~~

The dangers of global war are clear. On one side, hundreds of Russian
AND
both military and civilian infrastructure, transport systems, factories, public buildings.
"The issue of radioactive fallout and contamination, while casually dismissed by US-
AND
would be put at stake if the U.S. attacks Iran.

Obama and his desire for diplomacy is in the driver’s seat.  Netanyahu can only be reactive bystander to US politics

Danin 2/28/14 – Senior Fellow for Middle East and Africa Studies @ Council on Foreign Relations ~Robert M. Danin, "President Obama’s March Summit with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu," Council on Foreign Relations, February 28, 2014, pg. http://tinyurl.com/kxoltty

The upcoming Israeli-American summit will surely lack such drama. While their conversation will focus on the same two issues that have dominated their nearly five year long dialogue—Iran and peace with the Palestinians—the discussion now will be over major negotiating tactics, not fundamental strategy. President Obama will not spend time trying to keep Israeli aircraft from attacking Iranian nuclear facilities nor will he push Netanyahu to stop settlement activity.
For now, the Obama administration is in the driver’s seat, leading negotiations both with Iran and between Israel and the Palestinians. Netanyahu is largely a bystander to one process and a reactive participant in the other. Differences between the United States and Israel have not been removed so much as deferred. Netanyahu will react to Obama; he is not positioned to advocate a wholly different approach on either front.
Iran: The fundamental gap between Obama and Netanyahu’s objectives regarding Iran remains: the American leader’s goal is to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon, the Israeli objective is to see Iran deprived of the capability to develop a nuclear weapon. But the United States has signed an interim nuclear accord with Tehran in the period since Obama and Netanyahu last met, and negotiations on a comprehensive deal between the P5+1 and Iran are ongoing.
Given the now open U.S.-Iranian channel, the Israeli leader will
AND
produce an agreement with ample safeguards, Israel’s planes will likely remain grounded.

Relations are good.  Netanyahu wants to cooperate with Obama

Cesana 3/5/14 ~Shlomo Cesana, Netanyahu: Boycott the boycotters,"Isreal Hayom, Wednesday March 5, 2014, pg. http://www.israelhayom.com/site/newsletter_article.php?id=15941

During Monday’s Netanyahu-Obama meeting, which was described as positive but substantive, Obama asked Netanyahu to show flexibility, yet Netanyahu stood by his positions. On Tuesday, speaking to AIPAC, Netanyahu declared that he is not a rejectionist regarding a peace deal, saying that the ball is in the court of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.
Netanyahu called on Abbas to "recognize the Jewish state. No excuses, no delays, it’s time. ... Telling your people, the Palestinians, that while we might have a territorial dispute, the right of the Jewish people to a state of their own is beyond dispute."
Netanyahu started off his address taking a moment to thank AIPAC for "working so tirelessly to strengthen the alliance between Israel and America." Then, he continued to the meat of his speech, which was broken down into three topics: Iran, the Palestinians and the anti-Israel boycott threat.
Netanyahu warned that Iran was working around the clock on advanced long-range missiles, which could ultimately reach as far as Los Angeles.
The prime minister said his meeting with Obama was "very good," adding that he told Obama that the Israel and the U.S. must cooperate to "prevent Iran from having the capability to produce nuclear weapons." 

Israel is fully aware that all the options are on the table.

Goldberg 3/2/14 – National correspondent for The Atlantic and a recipient of the National Magazine Award for Reporting ~Jeffrey Goldberg, "Obama to Iran and Israel: ’As President of the United States, I Don’t Bluff’," The Atlantic, Mar 2 2012, 7:00 AM ET, pg. http://tinyurl.com/6wqkqos

At the White House on Monday, President Obama will seek to persuade the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, to postpone whatever plans he may have to bomb Iran’s nuclear facilities in the coming months. Obama will argue that under his leadership, the United States "has Israel’s back," and that he will order the U.S. military to destroy Iran’s nuclear program if economic sanctions fail to compel Tehran to shelve its nuclear ambitions.
In the most extensive interview he has given about the looming Iran crisis, Obama
AND
for Iran to have a nuclear weapon, we mean what we say."
The 45-minute Oval Office conversation took place less than a week before the
AND
in Tehran to rethink its efforts to pursue a nuclear-weapons program.

Israel is capitulating now.  Concerns about Obama’s willingness to use force changes their calculation

Tobin 3/20/14 – Senior Online Editor of Commentary magazine ~Jonathan S. Tobin, "Obama Needs Israel to Rattle Its Saber"| Commentary, 03.20.2014 - 5:40 PM, pg. http://tinyurl.com/oz2rwqr

Just as important, many Israeli security officials have always felt that dealing with Iran was primarily America’s responsibility. If push came to shove, the far more numerous American air and naval forces in the region would also be in a much better position to do the job. Moreover, they also know that if it did act on its own, Israel risks deepening its diplomatic isolation and creating more problems with the Obama administration.
But if, thanks to Russia, America’s diplomatic option to stop Iran is no longer viable and few take seriously the notion that President Obama would use force against Tehran under any circumstances, that would put Netanyahu in a position where he might think the IDF was the last and perhaps only hope of preventing an Iranian bomb.

No Syria pounder —- wasn’t an abdication of any authority and won’t set a precedent —- prefer more qualified evidence

- Obama chose to ask, he wasn’t forced
- Doesn’t set a precedent because each crisis is different
- Doesn’t apply to the DA because Syria wasn’t a direct threat to US security
- Future presidents will ignore
- The AUMF expands his authority
Jack M. Balkin 9/3/13, is Knight Professor of Constitutional Law and the First Amendment @ Yale Law School, and the founder and director of Yale’s Information Society Project, an interdisciplinary center that studies law and new information technologies, "What Congressional Approval Won’t Do: Trim Obama’s Power or Make War Legal," 2013, The Atlantic, http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2013/09/what-congressional-approval-wont-do-trim-obamas-power-or-make-war-legal/279298/
One of the most misleading metaphors in the discussion of President Obama’s Syria policy is
AND
restriction, and a limit on what kinds of forces can be used. 

Syria vote didn’t limit authority – asking versus restriction is important

CARTER 9 – 4 – 13 professor of law at Yale, Bloomberg View columnist. ~Stephen L. Carter, Is Obama risking executive authority on Syria?, http://www.southcoasttoday.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20130904/OPINION/309040302/-1/NEWS~~

Other critics have contended that Obama’s decision to go to Congress may signal a weakening
AND
upon the same resolution as authority for its ever-widening drone war.
I have written before that the transfer of authority from the legislative branch to the executive over the past century has been, on the whole, a terrible thing for the U.S. republic. But the fault lies with a Congress that will not protect its own prerogatives.
Obama’s decision to seek a congressional resolution on Syria will do little to change that dynamic. It isn’t as though a recalcitrant legislature forced his hand. Obama’s seeming reluctance to act without legislative approval will do nothing to handicap his successors. Quite the contrary: If Congress rejects his request, future presidents will simply go back to acting on their own — daring the legislators, Roosevelt-like, to stop them.
If, on the other hand, Congress gives Obama what he wants, we can be sure that this president, or some future one, will find another military purpose to which the resolution can be put. And somewhere, Theodore Roosevelt will be laughing.

This is especially true for the ICJ—they are empirically anti-Israel and NEW ACTIONS trigger Israeli threat perceptions

Kalman 13 ~Aaron Kalman is a writer and breaking news editor for the Times of Israel American attorney Richard Heideman says international law abused to harm Jewish state; slams world for not prosecuting Assad ’ICJ treatment of Israel biased, as seen in Syria’ The Times of Israel http://www.timesofisrael.com/icj-treatment-of-israel-biased-as-seen-in-syria/~~23ixzz2xK1UL3ER~~

According to Heideman, the new strategy "is trying to demonize Israel" and
AND
the public discourse, framing "Israel as the violator of human rights."
Israel is threatened "both by a possible third intifada and by the Palestinian Authority
AND
, is "how it will react to the future challenges it faces."

Israel’s reaction is intimately tied to international laws of self-defense as it applies to anticipatory and preventative warfare

BtSalem 11 ("Opinion of the International Court of Justice", http://www.btselem.org/separation_barrier/international_court_decision)

On 9 July 2004, the International Court of Justice, in The Hague, gave its advisory opinion on the question of the legality of the separation barrier being built by Israel. The opinion was given pursuant to the request of the UN General Assembly of 3 December 2004.
Israel refused to cooperate in the proceeding, contending that the court did not have
AND
or will be built outside the Green Line ~in the Occupied Territories~.
The first main issue discussed in the opinion relates to the effects of the barrier
AND
West Bank by Israel would violate the right to Palestinian self-determination.
The second major issue involved the legality of the barrier in light of international humanitarian
AND
control over the said territory in accordance with the provisions of the Convention.
Specifically, the court found that the separation barrier is intended to assist the settlements
AND
Hague Regulations of 1907 and of Article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
The third major issue that the court dealt with involved the legality of the barrier
AND
and 13 of the International covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural rights.
It should be mentioned that the opinion dealt briefly with Israel’s argument that violation of
AND
its decision to suffice with a written statement contending the court lacked jurisdiction.
In its conclusion, the court stated that Israel must cease construction of the barrier
AND
to cease Israel’s violations and to ensure enforcement of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

Credible threat of military action by the Obama is key to keep Israel at the diplomatic table

Al Jazeera 13 ~"Obama reassures Israel over Iran talks," Last Modified: 01 Oct 2013 09:16, pg. http://tinyurl.com/pvhy5gp

The United States reserves the right to keep all options, including military action, on the table with regards to engaging with Iran, the US president has said after holding talks with Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu.
Addressing the media after meeting with Netanyahu at the Oval Office in Washington, DC, on Monday, Obama said the United States would be circumspect before entering negotiations with Iran.
"We have to test diplomacy, we have to see if in fact they are serious about their willingness to abide by international norms and international law," Obama said.
"We enter into these negotiations very clear eyed. They will not be easy."
Obama also made clear that he reserved the right to take military action against Iran.
The meeting comes just days after Obama’s historic phone call with new Iranian President Hassan Rouhani.
Netanyahu urged President Barack Obama to keep tough economic sanctions on Iran in place, even as the US weighs a potential warming of relations and a restart of nuclear negotiations with Tehran’s new government.
"If diplomacy is to work, those pressures must be kept in place,’’ Netanyahu said during the meeting with Obama.
’Heartened’
Al Jazeera’s Peter Sharp, reporting from Jerusalem, said Netanyahu would have been heartened by Obama’s reassurances that Iran would have to prove itself and that Israel had the right to defend itself.
Netanyahu has been warning the US against equating Rouhani’s more moderate rhetoric with substantive changes in Iran’s nuclear policy.
The Israeli leader, meeting with Obama at the White House, insisted that Iran’s
AND
to seek a deal with world powers on Iran’s nuclear programme within months.
The conversation was the highest-level contact between the two countries for more than 30 years - fuelling hopes for a resolution of a decade-old Iranian nuclear standoff.
The sudden prospect of diplomacy with Iran overshadowed a host of pressing issues on the US-Israeli agenda.
Netanyahu has long been sceptical of Obama’s preference for negotiating with Iran, repeatedly pressing his US counterpart to issue credible threats of military action if Tehran gets close to producing a nuclear weapon. 

Sustained military commitment is key to reassure Israel.  They signal that the US will cut and run

Singh 3/3/14 – Managing director @ Washington Institute and a former senior director for Middle East affairs @ National Security Council ~Michael Singh (Former special assistant to secretaries of state Condoleezza Rice and Colin Powell and at the U.S. embassy in Tel Aviv), "A Regional Approach to Iran," Foreign Policy, MARCH 3, 2014 - 11:14 AM, pg. http://shadow.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2014/03/03/a_regional_approach_to_iran

The nuclear negotiations with Iran have exacerbated this unease, offering the spectacle of the United States not only sitting across the negotiating table from Iranian officials but offering concessions. Ironically, however, the United States has chosen diplomacy precisely because the alternatives — military conflict or acquiescence to a nuclear-armed Iran — would be destabilizing to its allies’ neighborhood.
But handled poorly, the negotiations could also prove destabilizing. The objective, after
AND
particularly along sectarian lines, and a regional race to match Iran’s capabilities.
The clearest way to avoid this is to insist on a tough deal with Iran
AND
in the region and other threats to U.S. interests comprehensively.
As part of this regional policy pillar, the United States should intensify its consultation with allies in the region, including Gulf Cooperation Council states, Jordan, Israel, and others on Iran and regional issues. This should involve not simply back-briefing partners after each round of talks, but huddling with them beforehand to ensure that their concerns are addressed and their interests represented.
The Obama administration’s efforts to date have proved heavy on process but light on results outside the military sphere. Indeed, on critical regional issues, the United States and its allies have often worked at cross-purposes. Remedying this will require a steady effort to rebuild trust and communication and to find common policy ground on which the United States and its allies can cooperate.
Obama’s trip to Riyadh in March is a welcome step in this regard but cannot
AND
chiefs to discuss Syria is precisely the sort of coordination that is needed.
It might be tempting to dismiss allies’ concerns regarding Iran’s regional activities and other issues
AND
in the short run, but would prove costly in the long run.
Consultation, however, will not be sufficient to demonstrate that U.S.
AND
also more decisive steps to address the conflicts and problems roiling the region.
The theater in which a more proactive policy is most urgently required — and would go the furthest to reassure allies and deter Iran — is Syria. In assessing the new options he has ordered be drawn up for U.S. policy there, Obama should consider the impact that his decision will have on broader U.S. interests in the region.
Too often policymakers resort to straw-man arguments to justify inaction, most egregiously
AND
economical, and effective multilateral action, not serve as excuses for inaction.
Any nuclear agreement with Iran will be hard to achieve and will involve difficult choices
AND
, the result may be a tactical victory, but a strategic defeat. 

Deal failure is the key internal link to Israel’s decision calculus

Ahren 13 (Raphael Ahren, "Labor MK: Compared to Strike, Deal is ’Far Superior,’" November 24, 2013, http://www.timesofisrael.com/labor-mk-compared-to-strike-deal-is-far-superior/)

While an overwhelming majority of Israeli government officials vehemently rejected the interim nuclear deal six
AND
Clearly, giving this diplomatic track a chance is a better way forward."

The vital internal link is the success of the deal

BERMAN 1/22/2014—Ilan Berman, Contributor to Forbes ~"Israel Keeps Its Options Open On Iran," http://www.forbes.com/sites/ilanberman/2014/01/22/israel-keeps-its-options-open-on-iran/~~

Is an Israeli military attack against Iran truly off the table? Conventional wisdom certainly seems to think that it is. In the aftermath of the signing of an interim nuclear deal in Geneva this past November, the foreign policy cognoscenti in Washington, as elsewhere, have been vocal about the fact that they believe the bell has effectively tolled on the possibility of Israeli military action.
The view from Israel, however, is far less settled. Take a new
AND
it truly results in an end to Tehran’s pursuit of the atomic bomb.
For the moment, at least, Tehran appears to be playing ball with the
AND
reactor at Arak, in exchange for a lifting of some economic sanctions.

Tournament: Ndt | Round: 7 | Opponent: Kansas Birzer-Campbell | Judge: Antonucci, Donlan, Walters

Congress enacts "statutory restrictions" the court imposes "judicial restrictions"

Peterson 91 (Todd D. Peterson, Associate Professor of Law, The George Washington University, National Law Center; B.A. 1973, Brown University; J.D. 1976, University of Michigan, Book Review: The Law And Politics Of Shared National Security Power — A Review Of The National Security Constitution: Sharing Power After The Iran-Contra Affair by Harold Hongju Koh, New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. 1990. Pp. x, 330, March, 1991 59 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 747) 

Based on both case law and custom, it is hard to argue that Congress
AND
express provisions of the Constitution and the decisions of the Supreme Court. n79
Even in cases in which the Court has given the President a wide berth because
AND
may restrict the President’s authority to act in matters related to national security.
Not even Koh’s bete noire, the Curtiss-Wright case, n83 could reasonably
AND
not require as a basis for its exercise an act of Congress." n85
Even the dicta of Curtiss-Wright, however, give little support to those
AND
him from taking the actions that were the subject of the case. n90
To be fair to Koh, he would not necessarily disagree with this reading of
AND
substantially restricts Congress’s authority to act if it can summon the political will.
The absence of judicial restrictions on permissive power sharing is particularly important because it means that the question of statutory restrictions on the President’s national security powers should for the most part be a political one, not a constitutional one. Congress has broad power to act, and the Court has not restrained it from doing so. n91 The problem is that Congress has refused to take effective action.

Tournament: NDT | Round: 1 | Opponent: Harvard HX | Judge: Davis, Fisher, Mulholand

* 1NR

Terror overview

Terrorism is a self-defeating tactic—letting them punch themselves out is a better strategy than drones

Groves 13—Major Bryan Groves is currently the Deputy Director of the Combating Terrorism
AND
Issue 1, 2013, Taylor 26 Francis, Accessed through Emory Libraries~

Although Al Qaeda claims that they do not target Muslims, 14 the reality is
AND
that of international partners) have made inroads at freezing terrorist bank accounts.
In addition to the responsibility that each agency has to communicate effectively, the United
AND
Arab world, 18 and for multiple purposes, not just for counterterrorism.
Fifth, increased domestic radicalization and polarization, especially visible in the spring and summer
AND
November 2010 Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) printer plot.
Finally, American leaders have failed to recognize that the "center of gravity"
AND
department to aid in areas of the struggle where the country is lacking.
From the global jihadists’ vantage point, they are dependent on a "renewable resource
AND
factors to precipitate the collapse of AQAM along its internal fault lines? 23
The United States must determine how lasting success will be made and then act accordingly
AND
, favoring calls for armed jihad over the values they see America representing.
The United States is finally beginning to demonstrate an understanding that long-term progress
AND
, it must make a concerted effort and do more in this arena.
But how will we know when we are succeeding? Daniel Byman lists three semi
AND
on either side of an issue are unable to go main stream. 27

Prioritize strategic considerations over tactical ones

Cronin 13—Audrey Kurth Cronin is Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University
AND
, "Why Drones Fail," Foreign Affairs, Accessed through Emory Libraries~

The war-weary United States, for which the phrase "boots on the ground" has become politically toxic, prefers to eliminate its terrorist foes from the skies. The tool of choice: unmanned aerial vehicles, also known as drones. In Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen — often far away from any battlefield where American troops are engaged — Washington has responded to budding threats with targeted killings.
Like any other weapon, armed drones can be tactically useful. But are they
AND
the point where tactics are driving strategy rather than the other way around.
The main goals of U.S. counterterrorism are threefold: the strategic defeat
AND
to embrace killer drones as the centerpiece of U.S. counterterrorism.

Even if drones quash one threat, they fuel many others.  Terrorism is like a hydra, but we can’t keep cutting off heads

Cronin 13—Audrey Kurth Cronin is Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University
AND
, "Why Drones Fail," Foreign Affairs, Accessed through Emory Libraries~

KEEPING LOCAL CONFLICTS LOCAL
Short of defeating al Qaeda altogether, a top strategic objective of U.S. counterterrorism should be to prevent fighters in local conflicts abroad from aligning with the movement and targeting the United States and its allies. Military strategists refer to this goal as "the conservation of enemies," the attempt to keep the number of adversaries to a minimum.
Violent jihadism existed long before 9/11 and will endure long after the U.S. war on terrorism finally ends. The best way for the United States to prevent future acts of international terrorism on its soil is to make sure that local insurgencies remain local, to shore up its allies’ capacities, and to use short-term interventions such as drones rarely, selectively, transparently, and only against those who can realistically target the United States.
The problem is that the United States can conceivably justify an attack on any individual
AND
offset funds provided to radical factions, and concentrate on protecting the homeland.
Following 9/11, the U.S. war on terrorism was framed
AND
States risks multiplying its enemies and heightening their incentives to attack the country.
It is precisely because al Qaeda is a shifting adversary that drones have proved so
AND
may allow Washington to keep jihadists from tipping the balance in sensitive places.
U.S. officials also claim that drone strikes have prevented or preempted numerous
AND
and has reduced the likelihood of similar dangers manifesting themselves in the future.
But other threats to the U.S. homeland have actually been sparked by outrage over the drone campaign. Faisal Shahzad, a naturalized U.S. citizen, tried to bomb Times Square in May 2010 by loading a car with explosives. A married financial analyst, Shahzad was an unlikely terrorist. When he pleaded guilty, however, he cited his anger about U.S. policies toward Muslim countries, especially drone strikes in his native Pakistan.

Violence can’t be controlled in a linear, predictable manner—you have to err ethically towards non-violence because the epistemological uncertainty surrounding the success of violence

Richard JACKSON, Director of the National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Otago and former Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University, 11 ~August 7, 2011, "Amputations and Crocodiles: Counter-Analogies of Political Violence," http://richardjacksonterrorismblog.wordpress.com/2011/08/07/amputations-and-crocodiles-analogies-of-political-violence/-http://richardjacksonterrorismblog.wordpress.com/2011/08/07/amputations-and-crocodiles-analogies-of-political-violence/~~

It is common for politicians and commentators to use analogies and metaphors to describe and
AND
. It can, in other words, lead to destructive policy choices.
Although no analogy is perfect and will contain its own distortions of the thing being
AND
its very nature, as anyone who has ever been victimized will testify.
Another principle to take from this analogy is that amputation (violence) should always
AND
tactics when they feel frustrated by the lack of progress on social justice.
A second analogy is to think of political violence as a crocodile, rather than
AND
of the crocodile; it would just be luck on that particular occasion.
The importance of this analogy lies in its application to humanitarian intervention and the application
AND
hope that the crocodile won’t eat any small children on this particular occasion.
The emerging quagmire in Libya, with its thousands of civilian victims (the very
AND
Chechnya, Kashmir, Colombia, and a hundred other conveniently forgotten places.
In sum, the lessons to take from these analogies are: if you take
AND
to resolving conflict, just as there are usually medical alternatives to amputation.

2nc uq

Threat is quite low.  Their assessment is political hype

Walt 12/4/13 - Professor of international relations @ Harvard University ~Stephen M. Walt, "The Embarrassing Debate Over the ’War on Terror’ Foreign Policy, DECEMBER 4, 2013, pg. http://www.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/04/the_embarrassing_debate_over_the_war_on_terror~~23sthash.Io11bI7s.dpuf

I raise this question because our leaders don’t seem to be able to get their
AND
say that it is more of a tragic nuisance than a Major Threat.
But now we’re being told by Sen. Dianne Feinstein and Rep. Mike Rogers
AND
more directly involved in defeating this ever-expanding set of terrorist copycats.
I understand that terrorist groups like al Qaeda do operate in secret (to the
AND
. So when in doubt, politicians are inclined to oversell the danger.
Still, it really is important to get this right: Just how serious is
AND
display precisely the sort of calm resolution that causes terrorist campaigns to fail.
It is even more important to figure out how best to respond. If Islamic extremists using terrorist methods are trying to gain power in various countries, does it make sense for the United States to insert itself in these conflicts and inevitably invite their attention? Or is the country better off remaining aloof or just backing local authorities (if it can find any who seem reasonably competent)?
My larger concern is that we have also created a vast counterterrorism industry that has
AND
, Somalia, etc., etc.,) while other problems get short shrift. 

No Use On Russia

No impact to nuclear detonation on Russian soil

Thompson 10—Nicholas Thompson is a senior editor at The New Yorker, senior fellow in the American Strategy Program at the New America Foundation, member of the Council on Foreign Relations ~January 2, 2010, "Could Al Qaeda set off Russia’s Dead Hand nuclear system?" http://thehawkandthedove.nickthompson.com/index.php/2010/01/could-al-qaeda-set-off-russias-dead-hand-nuclear-system/~~

Yesterday I got a good question from a reader: "what happens when someone
AND
from the U.S. All of that happening is extremely unlikely.

Pakistan

Collapses govt—causes a military coup

Michael J Boyle 13, Assistant Professor of Political Science at La Salle University, former Lecturer in International Relations and Research Fellow at the Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence at the University of St Andrews, PhD from Cambridge University, January 2013, "The costs and consequences of drone warfare," International Affairs 89: 1 (2013) 1–29, http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/International20Affairs/2013/89_1/89_1Boyle.pdf

The escalation of drone strikes in Pakistan to its current tempo—one every few
AND
don’t listen to you, and they continue to violate your territory.76

No Pakistani collapse

Dasgupta 13 (Sunil Ph.D. in political science and the director of UMBC’s Political Science Program and a senior fellow at Brookings, 2/25/13, "How will India respond to civil war in Pakistan," East Asia Forum, http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2013/02/25/how-will-india-respond-to-civil-war-in-pakistan/)

Bill Keller of the New York Times has described Pakistani president Asif Ail Zardari as
AND
government or by the radicals — from taking control of the entire country.
Lieven’s analysis is more persuasive than the widespread view that Pakistan is about to fail
AND
out a Pakistani civil war while covertly coordinating policy with the United States.

Tournament: NDT | Round: 1 | Opponent: Harvard HX | Judge: Davis, Fisher, Mulholand

AT: Peace Rising/Pinker

Pinker is a flawed vision of historical violence.  Use of his study within debate elides the negative consequences of human progress masking over structural violence and environmental destruction.

Carlson 12—R. Carlson, Ph.D in physiological psychology from University of Illinois, worked for UMass ~September 10, 2012, "Steven Pinker’s Liberal Humanist Blind Spot by R. Carlson," http://www.sciy.org/2012/09/10/pinkers-blind-spot-a-review-of-the-better-angels-of-our-nature-by-r-carlson/~~

Pinker’s linear narrative of human progress in which he employs the extensive use of statistical
AND
the 20th century has been the bloodiest- as did the worlds population)
What is disconcerting in ones reading of Pinker is not so much what he includes
AND
populations to methods of cohesion that control populations by invoking subtler disciplinary tactics.
The shift in the use of violence as a means of controlling populations was well
AND
by the Sovereign in the pre-modernist "Societies of the Sovereign".
Gilles Deleuze extends this analysis of the replacement of violence by other means in his
AND
who tag and track their movements as they travel across a cybernetic landscape.
Bernard Stiegler performs a similar analysis of this evolution from disciplinary to control societies –although the two actually overlap- in "From Bio-power to Psycho-power"…. http://antwerp.academia.edu/NathanVanCamp/Papers/360709/From_bio-power_to_psycho-power._The_pharmacology_of_disciplinary_technologies
In his study of violence and violent crimes Pinker fixates on murder as his main yardstick because it is something that can be measured to neatly support his progressive liberal humanist narrative. But does the reduction of per capita murders or per capita violent crime rates mean we should congratulate ourselves for our evolutionary expertise? I would argue that would be a false conclusion to draw.
Among other the things Pinker refuses to admit as violence, are those phenomena that are actually credited in most instances as its instigator namely: social inequality, societal neglect and inescapable poverty. Nor does he take into consideration the present incarceration rates in the American prison-industrial complex, –the vast majority of whose inmates are African Americans - that is unprecedented in history.
These incarcerations themselves stem from inequality, neglect, poverty and its resultant despair. According to the New Yorker: "In 1980, there were about two hundred and twenty people incarcerated for every hundred thousand Americans; by 2010, the number had more than tripled, to seven hundred and thirty-one….. No other country even approaches that. Six million people are under correctional supervision in the U.S. more than were in Stalin’s gulags"
http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/atlarge/2012/01/30/120130crat_atlarge_gopnik~~23ixzz25K8Nec00
Pinker would perhaps cheer the fact that so many potential violent offenders are no longer
AND
them imprisoned for minor possession of street drugs like marijuana. Pinker writes:
"A regime that trawls for drug users or other petty delinquents will net a certain number of violent people as a by-catch, further thinning the ranks of the violent people who remain on the streets."
Moreover in detaching violence from its causes Pinker fails to account for the injustices that are the consequences of liberal humanist economics. Although world poverty figures have been incrementally reduced over the past three decades there has also been an exponential acceleration of the increasing gap in wealth between the rich and the poor.  Consider:
- In 1900, people in the ten richest nations earned nine times as much per capita as did people in the ten poorest nations. This gap increased to thirty to one in 1960 and to seventy-two to one in 2001.
- The top fifth of nations possess 86 percent of the world’s gross domestic product, 68 percent of direct foreign investment, and 74 percent of the world’s telephone lines.
- The richest 20 percent of the world’s people receive at least 150 times more income than the poorest 20 percent.
- The top 20 percent consume 86 percent of the world’s goods and services, while the poorest fifth consumes only 1 percent.
- The three richest people on Earth have wealth that exceeds the combined economic output of the 47 least-developed countries. The richest 200 people have more money than the combined income of the lowest 40 percent of the world’s population, or about 2.4 billion people.
http://www.angelfire.com/nv/verbigerate/poverty_and_wealth.html
Even if world poverty has been incrementally receding over the past 30 years it is not diminishing as rapidly as the wealth of the rich and super rich has been increasing.  Consider the extent of poverty in the world today:
Total Percentage of World Population that lives on less than 242.50 a day            50
Total number of people that live on less than 242.50 a day            3 Billion
Total Percentage of People that live on less than 2410 a day            80
Total percent of World Populations that live where income differentials are widening            80
Total Percentage of World Income the richest 20 account for            75
Total Number of children that die each day due to Poverty            22,000
Total Number of People in Developing Countries with Inadequate Access to Water            1.1 billion
Total Number of School Days lost to Water Related Illness            443 million school days
http://www.statisticbrain.com/world-poverty-statistics/
Might then the increase in economic disparity, in which the wealthy grow exponentially wealthier while all too many of the poor still wallow in poverty and despair also be considered a type of violence?
Moreover, isn’t debt itself and form of it that has been imposed on the
AND
with the lack of "mass learning capabilities" for these as well?
Pinker’s championing of the Enlightenment and liberal humanism as somehow the pinnacle of civilizational progress also ignores the consequence of its civilizing mission that contains the specter of colonialism, genocide, totalitarianism, not to mention the very development and application of technologies of mass destruction that have made the past century the actual bloodiest on record.
Even if Pinker skirts the issue of the past century largely by talking in terms
AND
anticipating the future or for championing a "advance in mass species learning".
In fact human history is better describes as non-linear. Perhaps the evolution of human reason may constrain our impulse toward violence but its instrumental application that allows it to harness the power of nature through technology has created an arsenal of weapons that if ever were deployed on a planetary scale could end the evolution of humanity once and for all.
The question that follows from this fact cant be subsequently ignored namely, is the advance of liberal humanist values along with its program of scientific progress actually making the world a more dangerous place?
There are two very good counters to Pinker which I will provide links to here the first by John Gray includes in his response to Pinker’s claims that increasing standards of Western wealth can be directly correlated with the decrease in violence, is critiqued as follows:
"The formation of democratic nation-states was one of the principal drivers of
AND
show the disruptive and dangerous impact of sudden economic slowdown on social peace"
http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/magazine/john-gray-steven-pinker-violence-review/
The second review by Ben Law called "Against Pinker’s Violence" takes issue with the very definition of Pinker applies to Violence as well as the way he uncritically applies it to societies that existed hundreds and Thousands of years before ours. Here he also quotes Foucault:
"What do we achieve by placing our morality and values onto the Romans,
AND
that tempting urge for finality, for grand themes across the evidence.  "
http://www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=702
Finally, the violence that humans have inflicted on the planet and its environment since the Enlightenment should be tallied in any quantitative assessment of human violence, since the destruction of our habitat also impinges on human well being as well as its future development.  So lets also consider humans are in the process of causing the sixth great extinction of other species in the history of the planet:
"Mass extinctions include events in which 75 percent of the species on Earth disappear
AND
its sixth mass extinction within the next 300 to 2,000 years."
http://www.livescience.com/13038-humans-causing-sixth-mass-extinction.html
"The world’s oceans are faced with an unprecedented loss of species comparable to the great mass extinctions of prehistory, a major report suggests today. The seas are degenerating far faster than anyone has predicted, the report says, because of the cumulative impact of a number of severe individual stresses, ranging from climate warming and sea-water acidification, to widespread chemical pollution and gross overfishing."
http://www.independent.co.uk/environment/nature/oceans-on-brink-of-catastrophe-2300272.html
During the past 40 years, close to 20 percent of the Amazon rain forest has been cut down—more than in all the previous 450 years since European colonization began. The percentage could well be far higher; the figure fails to account for selective logging, which causes significant damage but is less easily observable than clear-cuts. Scientists fear that an additional 20 percent of the trees will be lost over the next two decades
http://unfccc.int/files/press/backgrounders/application/pdf/press_factsh_mitigation.pdf
The concentration of the gas in the atmosphere has jumped 40 percent since the Industrial Revolution, and scientists fear it could double or even triple this century, with profound consequences.
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/01/science/earth/01forest.html?pagewanted=all
It is not surprising that Pinker ignores the violence humans have inflicted on the natural
AND
much driven by unconscious irrational desires as their actions are structured by reason.
The uncritical use of Pinker’s statistical study of human on human violence by those championing liberal humanist values or by those spouting new age ideologies in support their view of a progressive species evolution may serve to puff up our collective egoism but like all forms of egoism they ignore its co-dependent blind spot, an area of darkness that undermines the peaceful coexistence of humanity with itself and with nature.

2NC—K Prior

In situations where we are confronted with immoral people, we will either beat them or join them.  The affirmative’s political strategy is fundamentally reactive because it’s invested in whether or not actions are legal or illegal, rather than are they right or wrong.  This leaves them impotent in confrontations with folks like Bush and Cheney who justify invasion, torture, and assassination in the guise of legality.  The affirmative’s framing of restrictions as a means to achieve security turns their restriction into a force multiplier

Francisco J. CONTRERAS Prf. Philosophy of Law @ Seville AND Ignacio de la RASILLA Ph.D. candidate in international law, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva, 8 ~"On War as Law and Law as War" Leiden Journal of International Law Vol. 21 Issue 3 p. 770-773~

Kennedy begins by coldly contradicting those opponents of the Bush administration ’that have routinely
AND
develop ’a life of their own’, an autonomous, perverted dynamism.

Debating the rhetorical frame for war-fighting decisions is the only way to address the source of war-fighting abuses.  Debate should focus on how we think about problems and not just on particular policy.  You should look at systems of militarism and not the singular event of their impact scenarios.

The alt is a technique for addressing how war has come to be a naturalized condition.  If our process of rhetorical criticism is good, you should endorse and adopt it as a way of reading future policy research.

Jeremy ENGELS Communications @ Penn St. AND William SAAS PhD Candidate Comm. @ Penn ST. 13 ~"On Acquiescence and Ends-Less War: An Inquiry into the New War Rhetoric" Quarterly Journal of Speech 99 (2) p. 230-231~

The framing of public discussion facilitates acquiescence in contemporary wartime: thus, both the
AND
creating space for talk where we have previously been content to remain silent.

2NC—Impact

Prioritize addressing structural violence.  It locks in social and environmental tension—culminates in extinction and makes war inevitable

Tamás SZENTES is a Professor Emeritus at the Corvinus University of Budapest, and member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 8 ~April 22, 2008, "Globalisation and prospects of the world society," http://www.eadi.org/fileadmin/Documents/Events/exco/Glob.___prospects_-_jav..pdf, (Gender modified—Sigalos)~

(1) It’ s a common place that human society can survive and develop only in a lasting real peace. Without peace countries cannot develop. Although since 1945 there has been no world war, but
• numerous local wars took place,
• terrorism has spread all over the world, undermining security even in the most developed and powerful countries,
• arms race and militarisation have not ended with the collapse of the Soviet bloc, but escalated and continued, extending also to weapons of mass destruction and misusing enormous resources badly needed for development,
• many "invisible wars"1 are suffered by the poor and oppressed people, manifested in mass misery, poverty, unemployment, homelessness, starvation and malnutrition, epidemics and poor health conditions, exploitation and oppression, racial and other discrimination, physical terror, organised injustice, disguised forms of violence, the denial or regular infringement of the democratic rights of citizens, women, youth, ethnic or religious minorities, etc., and last but not least, in the degradation of human environment, which means that
• the "war against Nature", i.e. the disturbance of ecological balance, wasteful management of natural resources, and large-scale pollution of our environment, is still going on, causing also losses and fatal dangers for human life.
Behind global terrorism and "invisible wars" we find striking international and intra society inequities and distorted development patterns 2 , which tend to generate social as well as international tensions, thus paving the way for unrest and "visible" wars.
It is a commonplace now that peace is not merely the absence of war.
AND
, and thus also a global governance with a really global institutional system.
Under the contemporary conditions of accelerating globalisation and deepening global interdependencies in our world, peace is indivisible in both time and space. It cannot exist if reduced to a period only after or before war, and cannot be safeguarded in one part of the world when some others suffer visible or invisible wars. Thus, peace requires, indeed, a new, demilitarised and democratic world order, which can provide equal opportunities for sustainable development.
"Sustainability of development" (both on national and world level) is often interpreted as an issue of environmental protection only and reduced to the need for preserving the ecological balance and delivering the next generations not a destroyed Nature with over exhausted resources and polluted environment. However, no ecological balance can be ensured, unless the deep international development gap and intra-society inequalities are substantially reduced.
Owing to global interdependencies there may exist hardly any "zero-sum-games", in which one can gain at the expense of others, but, instead, the "negative-sum-games" tend to predominate, in which everybody must suffer, later or sooner, directly or indirectly, losses.  Therefore, the actual question is not about "sustainability of development" but rather about the "sustainability of human life", i.e. survival of ~hu~mankind – because of ecological imbalance and globalised terrorism.
When Professor Louk de la Rive Box was the president of EADI, one day
AND
"development studies" we must speak about and make "survival studies".
While the monetary, financial, and debt crises are cyclical, we live in an almost permanent crisis of the world society, which is multidimensional in nature, involving not only economic but also socio-psychological, behavioural, cultural and political aspects. The narrow-minded, election-oriented, selfish behaviour motivated by thirst for power and wealth, which still characterise the political leadership almost all over the world, paves the way for the final, last catastrophe.
One cannot doubt, of course, that great many positive historical changes have also
AND
the present tendencies, either by the final catastrophe or a common solution.
Under the circumstances provided by rapidly progressing science and technological revolutions, human society cannot survive unless such profound intra-society and international inequalities prevailing today are soon eliminated. Like a single spacecraft, the Earth can no longer afford to have a ’crew’ divided into two parts: the rich, privileged, well- fed, well-educated, on the one hand, and the poor, deprived, starving, sick and uneducated, on the other.
Dangerous ’zero-sum-games’ (which mostly prove to be "negative-
AND
mass destructive weapons, and also due to irreversible changes in natural environment.

Terror

Apocalyptic terrorism scenarios are grounded in vested political interests and violent modes of national-identity formation in which political reforms like the plan are used to carve the world into liberal and illiberal spheres—the impact is a racist extermination of alterity and expansive structural violence

Desiree BRYAN, Research Assistant Intern at Middle East Institute. MScECON Candidate: Security Studies at Aberystwyth University, 12 ~June 22, 2012, "The Popularity of the ’New Terrorism’ Discourse," http://www.e-ir.info/2012/06/22/the-popularity-of-the-new-terrorism-discourse/~~

New Terrorism vs. Old Terrorism
The opening sentence of a textbook on terrorism states, "Terrorism has been a
AND
championing specific classes or ethnonational groups" (Martin, 2010, 28).
Also according to the orthodoxy, the shift to the new terrorism, on the
AND
causality and maximum destruction" (Jackson, 2007, 179-180).
However, these dichotomous definitions of the old and new types of terrorism are not
AND
mongering and has contributed to millions of deaths. As David Rapoport states:
Many contemporary studies begin … by stating that although terrorism has always been a feature of social existence, it became ’significant’ … when it ’increased in frequency’ and took on ’novel dimensions’ as an international or transnational activity, creating in the process a new ’mode of conflict’ (1984, 658).
Isabelle Duyvesteyn points out that this would indicate evidence for the emergence of a new
AND
useful to address each of the so-called new characteristics in turn.
The first characteristic is the idea that new terrorism is based on loosely organized cell
AND
network structure with very little central control over groups (2004, 444).
The second problematic idea of new terrorism is that contemporary terrorist groups aim to acquire
AND
nuclear weapon that the recipient could use independently" (2005, 490).
All of this talk about the difficultly of acquiring and deploying WMDs (by non
AND
, 197). Government appointed studies on this issue have supported these views.
This leads us to the third problem with new terrorism, which is the idea
AND
religion provided the only acceptable justifications for terror…" (1984, 659).
As we have seen here, problems with the discourse of new terrorism include the fact that these elements of terrorism are neither new nor are the popular beliefs of the discourse supported by empirical evidence.  The question remains, then, why is the idea of new terrorism so popular? This question will be addressed next.
Political Investment in New Terrorism
There are two main categories that explain the popularity of new terrorism. The first
AND
social welfare, not to mention apathetic to the political process in general.
The discourse of the WoT is merely the contemporary incarnation of this culture of fear
AND
to control dissent. In looking at both of these issues Jackson states:
There are a number of clear political advantages to be gained from the creation of
AND
existing structures of power. (Politics of Fear, 2007, 185).
Giroux further reinforces the idea that a culture of fear creates conformity and deflects attention from government accountability by saying, "the ongoing appeal to jingoistic forms of patriotism divert the public from addressing a number of pressing domestic and foreign issues; it also contributes to the increasing suppression of dissent" (2003, 5).
Having a problem that is "ubiquitous, catastrophic, and fairly opaque" (
AND
aware of what is happening in murkier and unreachable areas like foreign policy.
The third political investment in maintaining the terrorism discourse has to do with economics.
AND
is dependent on having an external threat (Buzan, 2007, 1101).
The fourth key political interest in terrorism discourse is constructing a national identity. This
AND
and our identity is based on the shared values of liberty and justice.
According to Carol Winkler, "Negative ideographs contribute to our collective identity by branding
AND
and political norms" (Jackson, Constructing Enemies, 2007, 420).
Through this analysis we can see there are four key ways in which the hegemonic
AND
how individual and collective psychology supports the popularity of the new terrorism discourse.

ALT—Anti-Subordination Framing

Alt solves—their 1ac McCauley ev

However, opposition to drone attacks is high in other countries, and there seems
AND
, no matter how convenient and cost-effective the technology may be.

Militarism may be a central value of modern Western culture, but it can be changed through criticism—multiple empirical examples prove

Duane CADY, Professor of Philosophy at Hamline University, 10 ~From Warism to Pacifism: A Moral Continuum, p. 23-24~

The slow but persistent rise in awareness of racial, ethnic, gender, sexual
AND
one day free themselves from accepting war as an inevitable condition of nature.
Two hundred years ago slavery was a common and well- established social institution in
AND
was the domestic slavery which the ancients thought to be immutable fact."9
The civil rights movement has helped us see that human worth is not determined by
AND
be; we need not be defined by hidden presumptions of gender roles.
Parallel to racial and gender liberation movements, pacifism questions taking warism for granted.
AND
war to be wrong, and thus to require fundamental changes in society.

Tournament: NDT | Round: 1 | Opponent: Harvard HX | Judge: Davis, Fisher, Mulholand

Hegemony is based on an ideological fantasy of US exceptionalism which necessitates permanent war-making—you should look at the benefits of hegemony from the outside-looking-in.  Their theoretically scary impacts obscure the real consequences of hegemony.

Richard JACKSON, Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University, 11 ~July 2, 2011, "The World’s Most Warring Nation," http://www.e-ir.info/2011/07/02/the-worldE28099s-most-warring-nation/~~

The history of US foreign policy is a violent and bloody one, although this
AND
, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, the Horn of Africa and Libya.
Although it is sometimes argued by apologists that these military actions are always defensive in
AND
US continues to be the most violent state in the international system today.
Strategically, the US is today the world’s dominant power. In order to maintain
AND
institutions; and preventing the rise of serious challengers to its overall hegemony.
At the same time, the US has evolved since the founding of the republic
AND
, in part because it requires actual wars to reproduce and sustain itself.
Other important ideological values include the strongly-held belief that the US has been
AND
actually universal values which is it bound to protect at home and spread/

 abroad. As with its military values, these ideological beliefs are ubiquitous in popular and political culture.
It is the combination of the US’s strategic interests and its ideological dispositions in the
AND
cannot admit that they are ever at war solely to secure strategic advantage.
Of course, during some periods such as the cold war and to a lesser
AND
entirely and little real effort is made to promote values-based policies.
The war on terror, particularly the Iraq and Afghanistan interventions, demonstrates the interplay
AND
the US in the Middle East and large parts of the Muslim world.
In the end, the culturally and politically embedded ideology of the US – its
AND
of violence which makes the US the most violent state in the world.

abroad. As with its military values, these ideological beliefs are ubiquitous in popular and political culture.
It is the combination of the US’s strategic interests and its ideological dispositions in the
AND
cannot admit that they are ever at war solely to secure strategic advantage.
Of course, during some periods such as the cold war and to a lesser
AND
entirely and little real effort is made to promote values-based policies.
The war on terror, particularly the Iraq and Afghanistan interventions, demonstrates the interplay
AND
the US in the Middle East and large parts of the Muslim world.
In the end, the culturally and politically embedded ideology of the US – its
AND
of violence which makes the US the most violent state in the world.

Tournament: NDT | Round: 1 | Opponent: Harvard HX | Judge: Davis, Fisher, Mulholand

The affirmative’s use of the law is a militaristic tactic that creates legal legitimacy to propel more violent interventions that ensure infrastructural violence that maims civilians.  They actively displace moral questions in favor of pathologically detached questions of legality.

Thomas SMITH Gov’t 26 Int’l Affairs @ South Florida 2 ~"The New Law of War: Legitimizing Hi-Tech and Infrastructural Violence" Int’l Studies Quarterly, 46, p. 367-371~

The role of military lawyers in all this has, according to one study,
AND
do things that you might otherwise not do" ~Belsie, 199921.
Conclusion The utility of law to legitimize modern warfare should not be underestimated. Even
AND
and construed, hopes of rescuing law from politics will be dim indeed.

The focus on transparency and accountability is a ruse that obscures broader militarism and legitimates the institutional defense of drones

Derek GREGORY, Department of Geography and Peter Wall Distinguished Professor at the Institute for Advanced Studies, University of British Columbia, 14 ~"Drone geographies," Radical Philosophy, RP 183, Jan/Feb 2014, http://www.radicalphilosophy.com/article/drone-geographies~~

My view is both narrow and wide. It is narrow because I discuss only
AND
is, I will argue, both an analytical and a political mistake.
Homeland insecurities
The first set of geographies is located within the United States, where the US
AND
remains the vector of violence but is no longer its potential victim.5
Indeed, some critics have ridiculed the drone crews as ’cubicle warriors’ who merely
AND
suburbia’ and commuting home ’always alone with what he has done’.9
Remote crews are perhaps most vulnerable to this form of post-traumatic stress disorder
AND
ask people who live under the drones what they want, Tahir continues,
They do not say ’transparency and accountability’. They say they want the killing to stop. They want to stop dying. They want to stop going to funerals – and being bombed even as they mourn. Transparency and accountability, for them, are abstract problems that have little to do with the concrete fact of regular, systematic death.12

Reducing war to a question of legal restrictions banalizes global imperial violence.  Contemporary warfare is an interconnected process driven by the generation of militarized knowledge and subjectivities.  It’s your foremost ethical task to investigate the affirmative’s imaginary of global war

Heike HARTING, Assistant Professor in the Department of English at the University of Montreal, 6 ~"Global Civil War and Post-colonial Studies," http://globalautonomy.ca/global1/servlet/Xml2pdf?fn=RA_Harting_GlobalCivilWar~~

This essay addresses the lack of a post-colonial critique of emerging political and
AND
constitutive force in the articulation of dominant contemporary notions of global civil war.
The central argument of this paper builds on the understanding of global civil war which
AND
depends on the simultaneous denial and reinvention of the United States’ imperial past.
Contextualizing the notion of global civil war in the history of imperial modernity and violence
AND
and problematizing such a moment expand and trouble present concepts of global warfare?
To engage with these questions, the first part of this paper provides a brief
AND
use Giorgio Agamben’s phrase, "politicize death" (1998, 160).
Post-colonial Readings of Global War
Recent developments in post-colonial studies suggest, according to Brennan, that scholars
AND
upsets Eurocentric notions of the nation, belonging, affect, and subjectivity.
Similarly, yet from a different political perspective, Neil Larsen enters the debate on
AND
yet resolved role in dealing with the production of a new global order.
If Larsen sees contemporary wars as a product of the economic disempowerment of nation-
AND
allows us to understand global civil war in localized and historically situated terms.
What all these post-colonial readings of global civil war have in common is
AND
commodification of identity and the total militarization of national and global social relationships.
The next section of this paper examines the ways in which a number of cultural narratives of global civil war rearticulate traditional concepts of war. However, by contextualizing war in a presentist and, at times, Eurocentric understanding of globalization, these narratives risk reinforcing rather than destabilizing dominant legitimizing practices of global warfare.
Situating Global Civil War
If globalization refers to the uneven process of restructuring social, political, and economic
AND
towards the eradication of superfluous human beings" (Razack 2004, 160).
Hardt and Negri, then, examine the capitalist, biopolitical, and cultural logic
AND
transformed into an authoritarian chain of command structure, characteristic of conventional armies.
Moreover, emphasizing that war is quickly "becoming a general phenomenon, global and
AND
rather than national terrain and aim at population control rather than territorial autonomy.
What, then, is new about global civil war? If war is presumably
AND
same token, situates global war within a particularly localized critique of Eurocentrism.
To Nancy, then, contemporary global warfare is symptomatic of the ways in which
AND
constitution governed by the construction of absolute difference, abjection, and dehumanization.
With its implication of having superseded national politics and interests, the term global civil
AND
of global civil war towards an analysis of the necropolitics of these wars.

Alternative—Challenge to conceptual framework of national security.  Only our alternative displaces the source of executive overreach. Legal restraint without conceptual change is futile.

Aziz RANA Law at Cornell 11 ~"Who Decides on Security?" Cornell Law Faculty Working Papers, Paper 87, http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87 p. 45-51~

The prevalence of these continuities between Frankfurter’s vision and contemporary judicial arguments raise serious concerns
AND
, we can expect our prevailing security arrangements to become ever more entrenched.

Tournament: NDT | Round: 1 | Opponent: Harvard HX | Judge: Davis, Fisher, Mulholand

NSA reforms will pass – found a sweet spot – Obama is key

ROLL CALL 3 – 25 – 14 ~Hill’s Bipartisan Deadlock on Phone Records May Be Easing, http://blogs.rollcall.com/hawkings/obama-nsa-reform-plan-could-ease-congressional-deadlock-on-spying/-http://blogs.rollcall.com/hawkings/obama-nsa-reform-plan-could-ease-congressional-deadlock-on-spying/~~

Eight months ago, in one of its most important and fascinatingly nonpartisan votes of recent memory, the House came up just seven members short of eviscerating the government’s vast effort to keep tabs on American phone habits.
The roll call revealed a profound divide in Congress on how assertively the intelligence community should be allowed to probe into the personal lives of private citizens in the cause of thwarting terrorism. It is a split that has stymied legislative efforts to revamp the National Security Agency’s bulk data collection programs.
Until now, maybe. Senior members with jurisdiction over the surveillance efforts, in both parties and on both sides of the Hill, are signaling generalized and tentative but nonetheless clear support for the central elements of a proposed compromise that President Barack Obama previewed Tuesday and will formally unveil by week’s end.
The president, in other words, may be close to finding the congressional sweet spot on one of the most vexing problems he’s faced — an issue that surged onto Washington’s agenda after the secret phone records collection efforts were disclosed by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden.
If Obama can seal the deal, which he’s pledged to push for by the end of June, it would almost surely rank among his most important second-term victories at the Capitol. It also would create an exception that proves the rule about the improbability of bipartisan agreement on hot-button issues in an election season.
"I recognize that people were concerned about what might happen in the future with that bulk data," Obama said at a news conference in The Hague, where he’s been working to gain support for containing Russia from a group of European leaders who have their own complaints about U.S. spying on telephone calls. "This proposal that’s been presented to me would eliminate that concern."
The top two members of the House Intelligence Committee, GOP Chairman Mike Rogers of Michigan and ranking Democrat C.A. Dutch Ruppersberger of Maryland, introduced their own bill to revamp surveillance policy Tuesday — and declared they expect it would track very closely with the language coming from the administration. They said they had been negotiating with White House officials for several weeks and viewed the two proposals as compatible.
At their core, both the Obama and House bills would end the NSA practice
AND
their databases in hopes of finding calling patterns that suggest national security threats.
Since both Rogers and Ruppersberger have been prominent defenders of the bulk collection system, any agreement they reach that has Obama’s blessing can be expected to pass the House.
It should garner support from a lopsided majority of the 217 House members (three
AND
of the databases should be limited to information about existing targets of investigations.
But one leader of that camp vowed to work for the defeat of any measure that looks like either the Obama or Intelligence panel plans. Republican Rep. Jim Sensenbrenner of Wisconsin, who as chairman of House Judiciary a decade ago was instrumental in writing the Patriot Act, believes that law has been grossly misapplied by the NSA to invade personal privacy much too easily.
Sensenbrenner said he would continue to push his measure to almost entirely prevent the NSA from looking at telecommunications metadata. But the sponsor of the companion Senate bill, Judiciary Chairman Patrick J. Leahy, D-Vt., said he would remain open to finding the makings of a deal in the Obama plan. Leahy signaled the legislative negotiating would be much smoother if Obama suspended the bulk data collection during the talks.
Much more enthusiastic was Calfornia’s Dianne Feinstein, the Democratic chairwoman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, who said she generally supports the House proposal and views Obama’s plan "a worthy effort." Her committee’s top Republican, the retiring Saxby Chambliss of Georgia, was a bit more equivocal but gave a strong indication he was eager to cut a deal based on the ideas from the House and the White House.
There are plenty of important points over which to haggle: about the ways the metadata is to be retained, the format for FBI to view the information, the liability for the telecommunications companies, the specificity of the search requests and the reach and secrecy of the judicial oversight.
And the American Civil Liberties Union said it had already found enough differences between the two measures unveiled Tuesday to give its "crucial first step" blessing to the Obama plan while rejecting the Rogers-Ruppersberger bill. The ACLU said that proposal would end up expanding the FBI’s investigative reach instead of limiting it.
But in a year when all sides say they are still ready to share the credit for at least one more top-tier legislative accomplishment, the knot over surveillance may be starting to unravel.

PLAN slays Obama’s agenda

Loomis 07 Visiting Fellow at the Center for a New American Security, and Department of Government at Georgetown University ~Dr. Andrew J. Loomis, "Leveraging legitimacy in the crafting of U.S. foreign policy", March 2, 2007, pg 36-37, http://citation.allacademic.com//meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/1/7/9/4/8/pages179487/p179487-36.php

Declining political authority encourages defection. American political analyst Norman Ornstein writes of the domestic
AND
affects the character of U.S. policy, foreign and domestic. 

NSA scandal being unhandled risks a rupture in trans-atlantic ties

HEUSER 13 executive director of the Washington, DC-based Bertelsmann Foundation ~Annette Heuser, Euractive, The erosion of the transatlantic trust, 10/25/13 http://www.euractiv.com/global-europe/erosion-transatlantic-trust-analysis-531335~~

Allegations of the NSA’s tapping of German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s mobile phone have yet to be proved, but the agency’s spying is already causing unprecedented damage to the trans-Atlantic relationship. The controversy has festered for five months, but it reached a new peak with yesterday’s call from the chancellor to President Barack Obama. Her message to the president, who is increasingly besieged by his closest allies: Spying on her or her government is unacceptable.
Three things are remarkable about this recent development.
First, the chancellor is known to be a cautious political leader. She takes time to determine her course of action and then still proceeds carefully. But her quick and personal involvement in placing a call to her friend, Barack, would not have occurred if the German intelligence service had not provided her with robust information about US hacking.  
Second, President Obama’s reportedly cool response to the chancellor reconfirms the skepticism of European
AND
era who does not appear to be a trans-Atlanticist at heart.
Third, the Obama administration continues to underestimate the short- and long-term effects of the NSA scandal on the trans-Atlantic relationship. Europe is now united in its repugnance of American spying practices, and this abhorrence goes beyond any personal targeting of the German chancellor or her government. Europeans feel that Washington has disregarded and disrespected their privacy, which they, in general, safeguard more than Americans do.
The latest allegations mean the US has likely crossed a line. A European response is now coming, and it will be a collective one. Negotiations for a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) may be put on hold. There have already been calls among high-ranking European officials to do so.
A recent Bertelsmann Foundation study estimated a TTIP could create 740,000 new American jobs. Putting such a deal in jeopardy means the potential loss of a significant economic boon and the only prestigious project in which the US and Europe are currently engaged.
The NSA scandal and its (mis)management by the White House are causing
AND
a profound and tragic break in that fragile tradition could now be unfolding.

Extinction

Stivachtis 10 – Director of International Studies Program @ Virginia Polytechnic Institute 26 State University ~Dr. Yannis. A. Stivachtis (Professor of Poli Sci 26 Ph.D. in Politics 26 International Relations from Lancaster University), THE IMPERATIVE FOR TRANSATLANTIC COOPERATION," The Research Institute for European and American Studies, 2010,  pg. http://www.rieas.gr/research-areas/global-issues/transatlantic-studies/78.html~~
There is no doubt that US-European relations are in a period of transition, and that the stresses and strains of globalization are increasing both the number and the seriousness of the challenges that confront transatlantic relations.
The events of 9/11 and the Iraq War have added significantly to these
AND
require further cooperation among countries at the regional, global and institutional levels.
Therefore, cooperation between the U.S. and Europe is more imperative than ever to deal effectively with these problems.  It is fair to say that the challenges of crafting a new relationship between the U.S. and the EU as well as between the U.S. and NATO are more regional than global, but the implications of success or failure will be global.
The transatlantic relationship is still in crisis, despite efforts to improve it since the
AND
on issues from global warming and biotechnology to peacekeeping and national missile defense.
Questions such as, the future role of NATO and its relationship to the common European Security and Defense policy (ESDP), or what constitutes terrorism and what the rights of captured suspected terrorists are, have been added to the list of US-European disagreements.
There are two reasons for concern regarding the transatlantic rift. First, if European
AND
leaders who want to forge a new relationship to make the necessary accommodations.
If both sides would actively work to heal the breach, a new opportunity could be created. A vibrant transatlantic partnership remains a real possibility, but only if both sides make the necessary political commitment.
There are strong reasons to believe that the security challenges facing the U.S. and Europe are more shared than divergent. The most dramatic case is terrorism. Closely related is the common interest in halting the spread of weapons of mass destruction and the nuclearization of Iran and North Korea. This commonality of threats is clearly perceived by publics on both sides of the Atlantic.
Actually, Americans and Europeans see eye to eye on more issues than one would expect from reading newspapers and magazines. But while elites on both sides of the Atlantic bemoan a largely illusory gap over the use of military force, biotechnology, and global warming, surveys of American and European public opinion highlight sharp differences over global leadership, defense spending, and the Middle East that threaten the future of the last century’s most successful alliance.
There are other important, shared interests as well. The transformation of Russia into
AND
economic transformation and integrating these states into larger communities such as the OSCE.
This would also minimize the risk of instability spreading and prevent those countries of becoming
AND
in dealing with the rising power of China through engagement but also containment.
The post Iraq War realities have shown that it is no longer simply a question of adapting transatlantic institutions to new realities. The changing structure of relations between the U.S. and Europe implies that a new basis for the relationship must be found if transatlantic cooperation and partnership is to continue. The future course of relations will be determined above all by U.S. policy towards Europe and the Atlantic Alliance.
Wise policy can help forge a new, more enduring strategic partnership, through which the two sides of the Atlantic cooperate in meeting the many major challenges and opportunities of the evolving world together. But a policy that takes Europe for granted and routinely ignores or even belittles European concerns, may force Europe to conclude that the costs of continued alliance outweigh its benefits.

Tournament: NDT | Round: 1 | Opponent: Harvard HX | Judge: Davis, Fisher, Mulholand

1NC Drones Bad—Terrorism

Turn—Drones cause terrorism—ideological gains for insurgents outweigh tactical kinetic victories

Groves 13—Major Bryan Groves is currently the Deputy Director of the Combating Terrorism
AND
Issue 1, 2013, Taylor 26 Francis, Accessed through Emory Libraries~

Stuck at the Tactical and Operational Levels
During the Long War the American effort has been stuck at the tactical and operational
AND
actions, and stem the flow of new recruits into the terrorist groups.
Instead, the United States has been focused on making a series of changes that
AND
keep America safe and prevent terror attacks against U.S. interests.
This objective is strategic in nature, but there has been an ends–means
AND
population, and the host nation’s capacity and willingness to counter the organization.
A common way in which terrorist groups are able to maintain their numerical strength is
AND
, eclipsing other terrorist organizations and serving as a model for them. 29
The enemy’s decentralized network and metamorphosis into an ideological movement (a "network of
AND
integration and prevent fracturing along religious, ethnic, or socioeconomic lines. 30

Terror threat low

Terror threat has markedly declined—most recent study proves

Bergen 12/3/13 - CNN’s national security analyst ~Peter Bergen, "Hyping the terror threat?," CNN, updated 2:16 PM EST, Tue December 3, 2013, http://www.cnn.com/2013/12/03/opinion/bergen-u-s-terror-risk/~~

Both Feinstein and Rogers are able public servants who, as the heads of the two U.S. intelligence oversight committees, are paid to worry about the collective safety of Americans, and they are two of the most prominent defenders of the NSA’s controversial surveillance programs, which they defend as necessary for American security.
But is there any real reason to think that Americans are no safer than was the case a couple of years back? Not according to a study by the New America Foundation of every militant indicted in the United States who is affiliated with al Qaeda or with a like-minded group or is motivated by al Qaeda’s ideology.
In fact, the total number of such indicted extremists has declined substantially from 33 in 2010 to nine in 2013. And the number of individuals indicted for plotting attacks within the United States, as opposed to being indicted for traveling to join a terrorist group overseas or for sending money to a foreign terrorist group, also declined from 12 in 2011 to only three in 2013.
Of course, a declining number of indictments doesn’t mean that the militant threat has disappeared. One of the militants indicted in 2013 was Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, who is one of the brothers alleged to be responsible for the Boston Marathon bombings in April. But a sharply declining number of indictments does suggest that fewer and fewer militants are targeting the United States.
Recent attack plots in the United States also do not show signs of direction from foreign terrorist organizations such as al Qaeda, but instead are conducted by individuals who are influenced by the ideology of violent jihad, usually because of what they read or watch on the Internet.
None of the 21 homegrown extremists known to have been involved in plots against the United States between 2011 and 2013 received training abroad from a terrorist organization — the kind of training that can turn an angry, young man into a deadly, well-trained, angry, young man.
Of these extremists, only Tamerlan Tsarnaev, one of the alleged Boston bombers, is known to have had any contact with militants overseas, but it is unclear to what extent, if any, these contacts played in the Boston Marathon bombings.
In short, the data on al-Qaeda-linked or -influenced militants indicted in the United States suggests that the threat of terrorism has actually markedly declined over the past couple of years.
Where Feinstein and Rogers were on much firmer ground in their interview with Crowley was when they pointed to the resurgence of a number of al Qaeda groups in the Middle East.
Al Qaeda’s affiliates in Syria control much of the north of the country and are the most effective forces fighting the regime of Bashar al-Assad.
In neighboring Iraq, al Qaeda has enjoyed a renaissance of late, which partly accounts for the fact that the violence in Iraq today is as bad as it was in 2008.
The Syrian war is certainly a magnet for militants from across the Muslim world, including hundreds from Europe, and European governments are rightly concerned that returning veterans of the Syrian conflict could foment terrorism in Europe.
But, at least for the moment, these al Qaeda groups in Syria and Iraq are completely focused on overthrowing the Assad regime or attacking what they regard as the Shia-dominated government of Iraq. And, at least so far, these groups have shown no ability to attack in Europe, let alone in the United States.

No Nuke Terror

No risk of nuclear terror

Topychkanov 1/25/14 (Pyotr  PhD in History, Associate in the Carnegie Moscow Center’s Nonproliferation Program, "Nuclear Terrorism: Bogeyman or Real Threat?", http://russiancouncil.ru/en/inner/?id_4=304526active_id_11=39~~23top)

Nuclear terrorism involves using fissile weapons-grade materials: Uranium-235 enriched to
AND
a nuclear explosion, which is believed to be technically implausible ~3~.
Obtaining fissile weapons grade materials is no easy matter for terrorists, chiefly for the following reasons.
Enriching uranium or producing the necessary quantity of plutonium requires scientific and technological facilities that no terrorist organisation has.
Acquiring the necessary quantities of fissile weapons-grade materials on the black market would require the relevant supply, which is not currently there (the IAEA receives about 150-200 reports from Member States each year of fissile materials that are lost, stolen or otherwise out of their control, but, first, most incidents are unrelated to weapons-grade uranium or plutonium and, secondly, in all reported incidents the fissile materials are returned under proper control).
Should terrorists nevertheless succeed in obtaining the requisite quantity of weapons-grade uranium or
AND
one specialist who is conversant with the relevant literature, and an engineer.
Today, some solutions are within an easier reach for terrorists compared to the 1970s, largely thanks to information technologies. However, any active application of such technologies leads to higher risk of detection. Queries regarding nuclear weapons development made using internet browsers can be traced by intelligence services ~5~.
Importantly, nuclear devices built under such conditions can hardly be expected to be reliable
AND
terrorism would have to accept that the outcome is uncertain, at best.

Tournament: NDT | Round: 1 | Opponent: Harvard HX | Judge: Davis, Fisher, Mulholand

Text: The President of the United States should issue an executive order consolidating lead executive authority for planning and conducting ~targeted killings using remotely piloted aircraft systems~ under the Department of Defense.

Solves the case.

Micah Zenko-http://www.cfr.org/experts/national-security-conflict-prevention/micah-zenko/b15139, April 2013. Douglas Dillon Fellow @ CFR. "Transferring CIA Drone Strikes to the Pentagon," Policy Innovation Memorandum No. 31, http://www.cfr.org/drones/transferring-cia-drone-strikes-pentagon/p30434.

The main obstacle to acknowledging the scope, legality, and oversight of U.
AND
consolidates lead executive authority for planning and conducting nonbattlefield targeted killings under DOD.
One Mission, Two Programs
U.S. targeted killings are needlessly made complex and opaque by their division
AND
be (and are) acknowledged by the U.S. government.
The different reporting requirements of JSOC and the CIA mean that congressional oversight of U
AND
because the foreign relations committees cannot hold hearings on covert CIA drone strikes.
Consolidating Executive Authority
In 2004, the 9/11 Commission recommended that the "lead responsibility for
AND

"The CIA should not be doing traditional military activities and operations."
The main objection to consolidating lead executive authority in DOD is that it would eliminate
AND
then it would not be held responsible for airstrikes conducted by other countries.
The CIA should, however, retain the ability it has had since 9/11 to conduct lethal covert actions in extremely rare circumstances, such as against immediate threats to the U.S. homeland or diplomatic outposts. Each would require a separate presidential finding, and should be fully and currently informed to the intelligence committees. Of the roughly 420 nonbattlefield targeted killings that the United States has conducted, very few would have met this criteria.
The president should direct that U.S. drone strikes be conducted as DOD Title 10 operations. That decision would enhance U.S. national security in the following ways:
Improve the transparency and legitimacy of targeted killings, including what methods are used to prevent civilian harm.
Focus the finite resources of the CIA on its original core missions of intelligence collection, analysis, and early warning. (There is no reason for the CIA to maintain a redundant fleet of armed drones, or to conduct military operations that are inherently better suited to JSOC, the premier specialized military organization. As "traditional military activities" under U.S. law, these belong under Title 10 operations.)
Place all drone strikes under a single international legal framework, which would be clearly delineated for military operations and can therefore be articulated publicly.
Unify congressional oversight of specific operations under the armed services committee, which would end the current situation whereby there is confusion over who has oversight responsibility.
Allow U.S. government officials to counter myths and misinformation about targeted killings at home and abroad by acknowledging responsibility for its own strikes.
Increase pressure on other states to be more transparent in their own conduct of military and paramilitary operations in nonbattlefield settings by establishing the precedent that the Obama administration claims can have a normative influence on how others use drones.

Tournament: UK | Round: 3 | Opponent: Harvard DT | Judge: Nick Donlan
1NC—Prolif Good
Prolif decreases the risk of war—robust statistical, empirical evidence proves.
Asal and Beardsley 7 (Victor, Assistant Prof. Pol. Sci.—SUNY Albany, and Kyle, Assistant Prof. Pol. Sci.—Emory U., Journal of Peace Research, “Proliferation and International Crisis Behavior,” 44:2, Sage)

As Model 1 in Table IV illustrates, all of our variables are statistically significant
AND
significant, which strengthens the case for the explanations provided in this study.

Deterrence failure is very unlikely. Proliferation saves more lives than it costs.
Preston 7 (Thomas, Associate Prof. IR—Washington State U. and Faculty Research Associate—Moynihan Institute of Global Affairs, “From Lambs to Lions: Future Security relationships in a World of Biological and Nuclear Weapons”, p. 31-32)

1.) The Cost of Deterrence Failure Is Too Great Advocates of deterrence seldom take
AND
into situations that otherwise would likely have resulted in war (Hagerty 1998).

New proliferators will build small arsenals which are uniquely stable.
Seng 98 (Jordan, PhD Candidate in Pol. Sci.—U. Chicago, Dissertation, “STRATEGY FOR PANDORA'S CHILDREN: STABLE NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION AMONG MINOR STATES,” p. 203-206)

However, this "state of affairs" is not as dangerous as it might
AND
launched without a definite, informed and unambiguous decision to press that button.

Prolif decreases war and encourages rationality
Shen 11—Simon Shen, IR prof @ Hong Kong Inst of Ed. 2011, “Have Nuclear Weapons Made the DPRK a Rogue State?” J. of Comparative Asian Development, v. 10, iss. 2, tandf

In our traditional mentality, the determination to denuclearize the DPRK quite explicitly assumes that
AND
the option of using nuclear weapons for the mere purpose of interest maximization.

Prolif will be slow.
Tepperman 9 (Jonathon, former Deputy Managing Ed. Foreig Affairs and Assistant Managing Ed. Newsweek, Newsweek, “Why Obama should Learn to Love the Bomb,” 44:154, 9-7, L/N)

The risk of an arms race--with, say, other Persian Gulf states
AND
be so disastrous, given the way that bombs tend to mellow behavior.

No chain reactions. Prolif domino effects never materialize.
Alagappa 8 (Muthiah, Distinguished Senior Fellow—East-West Center, in “The Long Shadow: Nuclear Weapons and Security in 21st Century Asia,” Ed. Muthiah Alagappa, p. 521-522)

It will be useful at this juncture to address more directly the set of instability
AND
the drivers of national and regional security in Iran and the Middle East. 

Proliferation in Northeast Asia stabilizes the region
Lukin 12 Artyom, Far Eastern Federal University, "Russia and the Balance of Power in Northeast Asia," Pacific Focus, Vol 27, Issue 2

Nuclear weapons, being the most powerful means of destruction mankind has ever created,
AND
China and Russia, seem to keep relatively calm regarding its nuclear capability.

Nuclear weapons promote stability in Asia. All evidence shows they reduce the likelihood of conflict and escalation.
Alagappa 8 Muthiah, Distinguished Senior Fellow—East-West Center, “The Long Shadow: Nuclear Weapons and Security in 21st Century Asia, Ed. Muthiah Alagappa, p. 26

In exploring the implications of national nuclear strategies and more broadly nuclear weapons for national
AND
weapon states catastrophic and prohibitive, especially in a situation of complex interdependence. 

The opposite of what they say is true of Asia. Nukes preserve stability.
Alagappa 8 Muthiah, Distinguished Senior Fellow—East-West Center, “The Long Shadow: Nuclear Weapons and Security in 21st Century Asia, Ed. Muthiah Alagappa, p. 512

International political interaction among Asian states is for the most part rule governed, predictable
AND
to view the roles and effects of nuclear weapons in this larger context.

Solving nuclear prolif causes a shift to bio-weapons
Cordesman 2k Anthony, Senior Fellow for Strategic Assessment—CSIS, Federal News Service, 3-28, L/N

New, critical technologies are escaping our control One of the problems I have noticed
AND
tends to simply push proliferation into other weapons systems and modes of delivery.

Bioweapons cause extinction—nuclear weapons don’t.
Singer 1— Clifford Singer, Director of the Program in Arms Control, Disarmament, and International Security at the University of Illinois at Urbana—Champaign Spring 2001, “Will Mankind Survive the Millennium?” The Bulletin of the Program in Arms Control, Disarmament, and International Security, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 13.1, http://www.acdis.uiuc.edu/research/SandPs/2001-Sp/SandP_XIII/Singer.htm

In recent years the fear of the apocalypse (or religious hope for it)
AND
beyond what it has already handily survived through the past fifty thousand years.
There are, however, two technologies currently under development that may pose a more
AND
human family may be in question when and if this is  achieved.

2NC Conventional War
The framing question of the debate is not whether there is a risk prolif breaks down—it’s whether or not a world of prolif is more peaceful—default neg on the record of nuclear peace.
Sechser 5 (Todd, Assistant Prof. Politics specializing in International Security—Stanford U., “How Organizational Pathologies Could Make Nuclear Proliferation Safer”, Presented at the annual conference of the Midwest Political Science Association, 4-7, *I had to ILL this. I don’t think it’s available online)

A second counterargument to the optimist position is the claim that even if proliferation optimism
AND
, preventive war pressures triggered by military biases) were indeed in operation.

Benefits outweigh the costs 40 to 1.
de Mesquita and Riker 82 Bruce Bueno and William, Dept. Pol. Sci.—Rochester, Journal of Conflict Resolution, “An Assessment of the Merits of Selective Nuclear Proliferation”, Vol. 26, No. 2, p. 302-303

One might object further. Conceding that the likelihood of miscalculation does diminish as proliferation
AND
over nonproliferation, but would be encouraged where the marginal effect was otherwise.

Same effect as nuclear war
Jianguo 95—Major General, frmr assoc. prof and Dean of the Antichemical Warfare Academy Wu, Nuclear Shadows on High-Tech Warfare, http://www.fas.org/nuke/guide/china/doctrine/jianguo.htm

What merits our attention is that in a high-tech conventional war, a
AND
yet operational; otherwise the attack would have resulted in very serious consequences.

Limited retaliation strategy prevents nuclear winter.  Use of counterforce targeting prevents city fires and the release of soot.
Powell 89—Professor of Poli Sci @ Harvard University Robert Powell, “Nuclear Deterrence and the Strategy of Limited Retaliation,” The American Political Science Review, Vol. 83, No. 2 (Jun., 1989), pp. 503-519

Conclusions - Although mutually assured destruction may be the technological state of affairs, there
AND
an adversary in order to make the threat of future punishment more credible.
The strategy of limited retaliation has been modeled as a simple game of sequential bargaining
AND
been certain to make had it been completely confident about the defender's resolve.
*Robock concludes that 150 nuclear bombs need to be used to trigger nuclear winter
*Counterforce = Targeting military installation.  Avoiding cities 

AT: Conventional War Unlikely
Conventional war is probable. Sound deterrent strategies should guide policy analysis.
Horowitz and Shalmon 9 (Michael, Assistant Prof. Pol. Sci.—U. Pennsylvania, Dan, Senior Analyst—Lincoln Group and Graduate Student—Georgetown U., Orbis, “The Future of War and American Military Strategy,” 53:2, ScienceDirect)

Some scholars question the notion that state-on-state warfare has become unlikely
AND
what it does best—preventing and winning full-scale interstate wars.

Africa
African conventional conflict likely—Mali crisis
IBT 1/14—Jacey Fortin, writer for International Business Times January 14 2013, “A Brand New War: Western Forces Square Off Against Islamists In Africa,” http://www.ibtimes.com/brand-new-war-western-forces-square-against-islamists-africa-1014678

But that hasn’t stopped a … beginning of another protracted international conflict.

Asia
Prolif would allow for effective deterrence
Glaser 12—Bonnie S. Glaser is a senior fellow with the Freeman Chair in China Studies and a senior associate with the Pacific Forum, Center for Strategic and International Studies April 2012, “Armed Clash in the South China Sea,” Contingency Planning Memorandum No. 14, http://www.cfr.org/east-asia/armed-clash-south-china-sea/p27883

Steps could be taken to further enhance the capability of the Philippines military to defend
AND
raise those countries' expectations of U.S. assistance in a crisis.

Central Asia/Caucasus
War in Caucasus likely
Dilanyan 12—Vahan Dilanyan is an analyst of political and security issues. He is serving as the Chairman of the Political Developments Research Center NGO, Yerevan, Armenia June 7, 2012, “War Is In The Air: A Troubled Caucasus – OpEd,” Eurasia Review, http://www.eurasiareview.com/07062012-war-is-in-the-air-a-troubled-caucasus-oped/

While Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was on her … on high alert which could explode any minute.

Europe
Conventional war risk is increasing in Europe.
Kaiser 9 (Karl, Dir. Program on Transatlantic Relations—Weatherhead Center for International Affairs and Adjunct Prof. Public Policy—Harvard Kennedy School, IHT, “An alternative to NATO membership”, 2-5, http://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/node/4609)

First, domestic conditions speak against membership. The reckless engagement with a superior Russian
AND
tiger and cause it to loose the essence of its credibility and meaning. 

Mid East
Mid east war likely now—multiple factors and stress points.
Al Sharif 12—Osama Al Sharif is a veteran journalist and political commentator based in Amman. His experience as publisher, editor and syndicated writer in Arabic and English spans over 25 years June 20, 2012, “Is Middle East headed for another war?” Arab News, http://www.arabnews.com/middle-east-headed-another-war

Will there be a war in the Middle East … military conflict in the region all the more higher!

2NC War Defense
Deterrence breakdowns don’t cause full-scale nuclear war
Waltz 3 Kenneth, Emeritus Professor of Political Science at UC Berkeley and Adjunct Senior Research Scholar at Columbia University, The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: A Debate Renewed, p. 34-35

States are deterred by the prospect of suffering severe damage and by their inability to
AND
World War II overlooked the fundamental difference between conventional and nuclear worlds. 38
Deterrence rests on what countries can do to each other with strategic nuclear weapons.
AND
but by punishment administered in ways that conveyed threats of more to come.
A war between the United States and the Soviet Union that got out of control
AND
the production of atomic bombs by the United States during World War II.

2NC Accidents
Accidental nuclear war is science fiction. Motives are for de-escalation not escalation.
(FYI, referenced later on, are the beginning of the card if they ask about warrants.)
Quinlan 9 (Michael, Former Permanent Under-Sec. State—UK Ministry of Defense, “Thinking about Nuclear Weapons: Principles, Problems, Prospects”, p. 63-69)

Even if initial nuclear use did not quickly end the fighting, the supposition of
AND
cosmic holocaust might be mistakenly precipitated in this way belongs to science fiction. 

2NC Irrational Leaders
2. Rationality on some level is inevitable—using a nuke is suicidal and no leader wants that.  Even if some leaders are irrational now—the attainment of nukes forces them to moderate their behavior—that’s Shen—more evidence.
Tepperman 9 (Jonathon, former Deputy Managing Ed. Foreig Affairs and Assistant Managing Ed. Newsweek, Newsweek, “Why Obama should Learn to Love the Bomb”, 44:154, 9-7, L/N)

A growing and compelling body … in their behavior suggests they have a death wish.

2NC Multiparty Proliferation
2. Even one nuclear power in a region induces caution on all sides. This an EMPIRICAL STUDY RESULT. Means asymmetry is irrelevant. Best evidence proves
Asal 7—pol sci, SUNY—AND—Kyle Beardsley—pol sci, Emory (Victor, Proliferation and International Crisis Behavior, http://jpr.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/44/2/139)

As Model 1 in Table IV illustrates, all of our variables are statistically significant
AND
the set of crises is a subset of a larger category of interaction.

3. Multipolar arms races will actually be stable.
O’Neil 5 (Andrew, Associate Prof. IR and Associate Head of Research in Faculty of Social Sci.—Flinders U., Comparative Strategy, “Nuclear Proliferation and Global Security: Laying the Groundwork for a New Policy Agenda”, 23:343-359, InformaWorld)

Against this historical background, there are some positive signs that multipolar nuclear deterrence may
AND
to immaturity in force structure and underdeveloped command-and-control systems.

2NC First Strike Pressure
3. Small arsenals are survival. Mobility. Iraq war proves.
Preston 7 (Thomas, Associate Prof. IR—Washington State U. and Faculty Research Associate—Moynihan Institute of Global Affairs, “From Lambs to Lions: Future Security relationships in a World of Biological and Nuclear Weapons,” p. 79-80)

Another lesson of the Gulf War is that small states have begun to develop survivable
AND
redundant and survivable force structures capable of providing some degree of credible deterrence.

4. No pressure for first strikes—it’s empirically denied.
Alagappa 8 (Muthiah, Distinguished Senior Fellow—East-West Center, in “The Long Shadow: Nuclear Weapons and Security in 21st Century Asia, Ed. Muthiah Alagappa, p. 523-524)

It has been argued that states with small or nascent nuclear arsenals might have strategic
AND
due to nuclear weapons of the role of force in Asian international politics. 

2NC Preventive Strikes
2. Evidence for preventive war is spotty.
Sechser 5 (Todd, Assistant Prof. Politics specializing in International Security—Stanford U., “How Organizational Pathologies Could Make Nuclear Proliferation Safer”, Presented at the annual conference of the Midwest Political Science Association, 4-7, *I had to ILL this. I don’t think it’s available online)

Empirically, the case against the preventive war bias is at least as strong as
AND
actual policy recommendations is larger than proliferation pessimists have been willing to acknowledge.

3. Lots of historical disproof
Alagappa 8 (Muthiah, Distinguished Senior Fellow—East-West Center, in “The Long Shadow: Nuclear Weapons and Security in 21st Century Asia, Ed. Muthiah Alagappa, p. 522)

The prospect of military action to destroy nuclear weapons and facilities in East and South
AND
resolve the North Korean nuclear problem has decidedly shifted to the diplomatic arena. 

Empirics prove preventive wars either don’t happen or don’t escalate
Rousseau 2k (David, Assistant Prof. Pol. Sci.—Penn, "Proliferation Module," http://www.ssc.upenn.edu/~rousseau/archived_web/psci150/modules/pro/lecture1.htm)

Second, opponents of proliferation claim that states acquiring nuclear weapons have enduring rivals.
AND
, it would not lead me to conclude that proliferation is very dangerous.

4. No military bias in favor of preventive war.
Sechser 5 (Todd, Assistant Prof. Politics specializing in International Security—Stanford U., “How Organizational Pathologies Could Make Nuclear Proliferation Safer”, Presented at the annual conference of the Midwest Political Science Association, 4-7, *I had to ILL this. I don’t think it’s available online)

Proliferation pessimism contends that the spread of nuclear weapons is dangerous because it could lead
AND
consequences thus dissolves, and with it the propensity to favor preventive war.

2NC Preemptive Strikes
2. No incentive for preemptive strikes—they can’t solve—lack of delivery capabilities, decoys and target mobility
Seng 98 (Jordan, PhD Candidate in Pol. Sci.—U. Chicago, Dissertation, “STRATEGY FOR PANDORA'S CHILDREN: STABLE NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION AMONG MINOR STATES,” p. 156)

In sum, though Third World proliferators are likely to lack some of the technologies
AND
World proliferators than they were for the U.S. and Soviets. 

AT: Robock
AND, nuclear winter doesn’t exist—Robock is cooking the numbers
Seitz 11—Research fellow in physics @ Harvard University Russell Seitz (Ph. D in applied physics @ Harvard University), “Nuclear winter was and is debatable,” Nature, 475, 37 (07 July 2011) pg. http://tinyurl.com/7jr3sxz

Alan Robock's contention that …the very term 'nuclear winter' into question.

Tournament: Wake | Round: 1 | Opponent: Rutgers HS | Judge: Brian Manuel
1NC Radical Humanism K
The 1AC’s ontological critique of civil society and modern democracy argue that the Slave and the Black cannot be Human. That because humanity, freedom, and autonomy are qualities “built on the backs of black subjectivity”, that we should trash modern humanist strategies of expanding the circle of Humanity.  The ontological form of the aff’s critique asks questions about Being—what it is and what it is possible to be.  They say it is impossible to be a Black subject or a human without a slave.
We criticize the absoluteness of the ontological critique of the Human, the modern, and the Slave. Their absolute ontological division between Master and slave or human and slave does violence to slaves and dooms our political strategy to one of unsuccessful revolutionary violence.
A) Modernity and civil society
Our historical reading of the relationship between slavery and civil society and humanity honors the legacy of slave revolution. The Haitian revolution contained and expanded ideas trafficked in civil society of universal humanity.  
Dash 10—J. Michael Dash, Africana Studies French, Social and Cultural Analysis @ NYU Book Review: Universal Emancipation: The Haitian Revolution and The Radical Enlightenment Slavery and Abolition 31 (1) p. 142-143

Universal Emancipation argues against the French appropriation of … Haitian moun andeyo in his campaign against global capitalism. 

The slave was always-already a participant in modernity. They theorize the slave as a total object—we recognize the slave as both object and subject of modernity.
Trouillot 3—Michael-Rolph Trouillot, Anthropology @ Chicago Global Transformations p. 41-43

Differently Modern: The Caribbean as Alter-Native I have argued … yet still undoubtedly modern by that definition. 

The Haitian revolution demonstrates the danger of the break with modernity.  The binary ontology of “for or against” results in genocidal barbarism.  They link to their own offense against modernity and civil society because the idea of a complete break and total autonomy is the most modern form of politics.  
Miller 10—Paul Miller, French and Italian @ Vanderbilt Elusive Origins: The Enlightenment in the Modern Caribbean Imagination p. 76-79

The necessity of rupture with authority, the Enlightenment’s … plantation.  Dessalines was a barbarian” (393).  

B) Humanity
We should not abandon the category of universal humanity.  Anti-slavery abolition and its intersections with critiques of gendered citizenship drew on universal humanity as a source of solidarity.  
Gilroy 9—Paul Gilroy, Anthony Giddens Prf. of Social Theory @ London School of Economics Race and the Right to be Human p. 6-11

At times, the movement against slavery was …injustice in general and racial hierarchy in particular.

The slave represents the infra-human—not the non-human.  Included as only partly human the status of the slave has historically been contested by appeals to universal human community.  As with Uncle Tom’s Cabin—the fact that this type of political activity simultaneously contained negative effects for our understanding of the slave doesn’t mean it should be rejected.
Gilroy 9—Paul Gilroy, Anthony Giddens Prf. of Social Theory @ London School of Economics Race and the Right to be Human p. 13-15

The structure of sentimental feeling articulated by Harriet Beecher … terroristic governmental administration. 

2NC—Links
Enlightenment understandings of humanity were always fractured—anti-Imperial strands in universal humanity should be recognized.  There was a robust strand of anti-Imperial universalism that criticized dispossession and slavery.
Muthu 3—Sankar Muthu, Poli Sci @ Chicago Enlightenment Against Empire p. 266-271

Universal Dignity, Cultural Agency, and … would have to be, given the very nature of our self-knowledge. 

2NC—Impacts
We have a moral obligation to construct strategies of resistance that don’t sanction genocide. Critical intellectuals should de-romanticize subaltern revenge and pessimism.  
Jones 9—Adam Jones, Poli Sci @ British Columbia (Okanagan) Genocides by the Oppressed: Subaltern Genocide in Theory and Pratice eds. Robins and Jones p. 201-202

Attention to the subaltern strand of …and subaltern actors may sometimes hold the upper hand in these encounters. 

The political significance of humanity is both terrible and terribly important.  Though the concept of humanity makes us guilty, it also is a pre-requisite for a politics that can fight atrocity.
Hannah Arendt 3 The Portable Hannah Arendt p. 155

For many years now we have met Germans … that men are capable of bringing about.

2NC—Alternative
Radical humanism takes up the burden and the ambiguity of humanity.  Identification with common humanity across lines of oppression opens up possibilities for everyday political virtue.
Gilroy 9—Paul Gilroy, Anthony Giddens Prf. of Social Theory @ London School of Economics Race and the Right to be Human p. 20-23

Arendt and Agamben are linked by their apparent distaste for … conduct of “the war on terror”. 

1NC—Case
Restricting detention creates a perverse incentive for drone use—that’s worse and flips any legitimacy advantage
Gartenstein-Ross 12—Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, J.D. from NYU School of Law, is the Director of the Center for the Study of Terrorist Radicalization at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a Washington-based think tank. He frequently consults on counter-terrorism for various government agencies as well as the private sector Dec 4 2012, “Gitmo's Troubling Afterlife: The Global Consequences of U.S. Detention Policy,” http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/12/gitmos-troubling-afterlife-the-global-consequences-of-us-detention-policy/265862/

One option, of course, is ending preventive … belligerents will have gone unaddressed.

Turn—starting with trans-atlantic slave trade decontextualizes slavery and supports the Eurocentric slave-trader perspective.  This undermines an effective criticism of imperial relations that support white supremacy.
Johnson 4—Walter Johnson, History @ NYU “Time and Revolution in African America: temporality and the history of Atlantic Slavery” in A New Imperial History ed. Kathleen Wilson p. 198-204

Let me begin with a famous misunderstanding. As he later … there were ways to imagine the journey

1nr – ext johnson
Monocausal and comprehensive narrative of slavery in the United States undermines political and historical effectiveness.
Walter JOHNSON History @ NYU 97 “Inconsistency, Contradiction, and Complete Confusion: The Everyday Life of the Law of Slavery” Law and Social Inquiry 22 (2) p. 406-409

Watching these fault lines surface in the records of South2ern … of slavery was complete confusion.

Reducing slavery to the enactment of white supremacy denies the agency of slaves, turns the case.
Walter JOHNSON History @ NYU 97 “Inconsistency, Contradiction, and Complete Confusion: The Everyday Life of the Law of Slavery” Law and Social Inquiry 22 (2) p. 427-429

But race could not simply be enacted, it had … gravitational field” (1982, 162; see also E. Higginbotham 1992).

AT: wrong location
Appeals to personal experience replace analysis of group oppression with personal testimony.  As a result, politics becomes a policing operation—those not in an identity group are denied intellectual access and those within the group who don’t conform to the aff’s terms are excluded.  Over time, this strategy LIMITS politics to ONLY the personal.  This devastates structural change, and turns the case—it demands that political performance assimilate to very limited norms of experience
Joan SCOTT Harold F. Linder Professor at the School of Social Science in the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton 92 “Multiculturalism and the Politics of Identity” October Summer p. 16-19

The logic of individualism has structured … is taken as majority or dominant.

Visibility
Making the oppressed subject visible provokes surveillance, voyeurism and attempts at imperial possession and incorporation.  
Peggy PHELAN Chair NYU Performance Studies Dept. 93 Unmarked p. 7-8

The current contradiction between “identity politics” with its … unmarked, unspoken, and unseen.

Tournament: Harvard | Round: 4 | Opponent: Wayne State JS | Judge: Sarah Weiner
1NC Security K
Using national security to justify restraints on the executive is self-defeating.  Security discourse consolidates authoritarian politics.
Aziz RANA Law at Cornell 11 “Who Decides on Security?” Cornell Law Faculty Working Papers, Paper 87, http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87 p. 1-7

Today politicians and legal scholars routinely invoke fears that the … assumptions required to sustain popular involvement in matters of threat and safety.

National security frame justifies extinction in the name of saving human life.
Dillon 96—Michael, University of Lancaster October 4, 1996, “Politics of Security: Towards a Political Philosophy of Continental Thought”

The way of sharpening and focusing this thought into a precise …real prospect of human species extinction.

Alternative—Challenge to conceptual framework of national security.  Only our alternative displaces the source of executive overreach. Legal restraint without conceptual change is futile.  
Aziz RANA Law at Cornell 11 “Who Decides on Security?” Cornell Law Faculty Working Papers, Paper 87, http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87 p. 45-51

The prevalence of these continuities between Frankfurter’s vision and … prevailing security arrangements to become ever more entrenched.

2NC—K Prior
Framing war powers restrictions as a means to achieve greater national security quashes political alternatives to unilateral militarism.  
Francisco J. CONTRERAS Prf. Philosophy of Law @ Seville AND Ignacio de la RASILLA Ph.D. candidate in international law, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva 8 “On War as Law and Law as War” Leiden Journal of International Law Vol. 21 Issue 3 p. 779-780 Gender paraphrased

War’s ubiquity, its discontinuity, and the blurring of its outline are not … freedom and free decision—of discretion to kill and let live. (p. 170)

Debating the rhetorical frame for war-fighting decisions is the only way to address the source of war-fighting abuses.
Jeremy ENGELS Communications @ Penn St. AND William SAAS PhD Candidate Comm. @ Penn ST. 13 “On Acquiescence and Ends-Less War: An Inquiry into the New War Rhetoric” Quarterly Journal of Speech 99 (2) p. 230-231

The framing of public discussion facilitates …talk where we have previously been content to remain silent.

AT: Perm
Perm guarantees legal norms serve national security. Their framing treats law as an instrument.  That undermines restraint.
Susanne KRASMANN Institute for Criminological Research, University of Hamburg 12 “Law’s knowledge: On the susceptibility and resistance of legal practices to security matters” Theoretical Criminology 16 (4) p. 380-382

In the face of these developments, a new debate on how to … rule of law but also with the identified necessities of security government.

Hege Links
We should try to see the consequences of hegemony from the outside in—incredible destruction, further instability, and tyranny.  Their impacts are constructed by our refusal to see beyond insular American IR.
Von Eschen 5—Penny Von Eschen, History @ Michigan “Enduring Public Diplomacy,” American Quarterly 57.2 MUSE

An account of U.S. public diplomacy and empire in Iraq can be … that has been an abiding feature of U.S. politics and public discourse.

Deterrence Link
Institutionalizing fearful politics creates destructive spirals.  Security based on fear instead of trust creates insecurity spirals, confirmation bias, and path dependency.
Neta CRAWFORD Poli Sci @ Boston University 11 Realism and World Politics Ed. Ken Booth p. 165-169

Fear, homo politicus and the structures of world politics I make three … a cascade of both individual and institutional responses.51 

1NR Card—Deterrence theory creates spirals of distrust -- Most recent psychological and neuroscience research proves.
Neta CRAWFORD Poli Sci @ Boston University 11 Realism and World Politics Ed. Ken Booth p. 173

For example, research on fear suggests that long… devising policies that actually decrease fear and enhance trust.

2NC AT Kaufman
Kaufman goes neg---image of the enemy causes violence
Kaufman 9 Stuart J, Prof Poli Sci and IR – U Delaware, “Narratives and Symbols in Violent Mobilization: The Palestinian-Israeli Case,” Security Studies 18:3, p. 433

There are no heroes in this story. Before Camp David, both sides undermined the fundamental … that Palestinians did not accept real peace or Israel’s right to exist.

ALT Ev
We should frame the question of executive power in terms of racialized harm and otherization. Refusing accommodation with values of the security state is a precondition for preventing racialized hierarchy.
Gil GOTT Int’l Studies @ DePaul 5 “The Devil We Know: Racial Subordination and National Security Law” Villanova Law Review, Vol. 50, Iss. 4, p. 1075-1076 

Anti-subordinationist principles require taking more complete … ongoing racebased subordination through the racialization of "security threats."

Building empathy and trust helps overcome fear and security dilemma spirals—turns their group think arguments

Neta CRAWFORD Poli Sci @ Boston University 11 Realism and World Politics Ed. Ken Booth p. 170-171

At the level of foreign policy decision-making, fear may not only … routine practices and expectations to have their greatest effects.62 

Spillover from criticism is empirically proven.  The role of the judge should be an intellectual whose goal is to destabilize the security regimes through critical interrogation of the status quo.
Jones 99 Richard Wyn Jones, Professor International Politics at Aberystwyth University, Security, Strategy, and Critical Theory, 1999, p. 155-163

The central political task of the intellectuals is to aid in … the human race, should act as both an inspiration and a challenge to critical security studies.

AT: Bacevich
Goes neg
Bacevich 13
Andrew, professor of history and international relations (Boston University), Ph.D. in American Diplomatic History (Princeton), “The New American Militarism”, Oxford Press, Revised Edition

Today as never before in their history Americans … does not serve our interests and may yet prove our undoing.

AT: Specificity/Particularity
Concludes ABOSLUTELY NEG – This is an article criticizing constructivists for abandoning grounding in critical theory and interpretivist methods.  
Here’s the abstract:

Richard PRICE AND Christian REUS-SMIT ’98 “Dangerous Liaisons? Critical International
Theory and Constructivism” http://www.artsrn.ualberta.ca/courses/PoliticalScience/661B1/documents/PriceReusSmithCriticalInternatlTheoryConstructivism.pdf

The 1990s have seen the emergence of a new ‘constructivist’ …Intersubjective social construction and normative effects are in play.

Tournament: USC | Round: 2 | Opponent: Whitman LT | Judge: Parker Cronin
1NC Security K
The affirmative is a form of lawfare which maps out legal zones of violence.  Their securitizing language cements an epistemologically suspect juridical warfare which naturalizes preemptive violence
John MORRISSEY, Lecturer in Political and Cultural Geography, National University of Ireland, 11 “Liberal Lawfare and Biopolitics: US Juridical Warfare in the War on Terror,” Geopolitics, 16:280–305, 2011

Foucault’s envisioning of a more governmentalised and … and biopolitics of its overseas ground presence.

This biopolitical calculation justifies extinction in the name of saving human life.
Dillon 96—Michael, University of Lancaster October 4, 1996, “Politics of Security: Towards a Political Philosophy of Continental Thought”

The way of sharpening and focusing … advent of the real prospect of human species extinction.

Alternative—Challenge to conceptual framework of national security.  Only our alternative displaces the source of executive overreach. Legal restraint without conceptual change is futile.  
Aziz RANA Law at Cornell 11 “Who Decides on Security?” Cornell Law Faculty Working Papers, Paper 87, http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87 p. 45-51

The prevalence of these continuities between … arrangements to become ever more entrenched.

2NC—K Prior
Legalization of warfare is the point at which bio-politics merges with geopolitics—this allows militarism to continue unabated
John MORRISSEY, Lecturer in Political and Cultural Geography, National University of Ireland, 11 “Liberal Lawfare and Biopolitics: US Juridical Warfare in the War on Terror,” Geopolitics, 16:280–305, 2011

The sheer extent of the current US military …material securitization practices of the US military as well.

Debating the rhetorical frame for war-fighting decisions is the only way to address the source of war-fighting abuses.
Jeremy ENGELS Communications @ Penn St. AND William SAAS PhD Candidate Comm. @ Penn ST. 13 “On Acquiescence and Ends-Less War: An Inquiry into the New War Rhetoric” Quarterly Journal of Speech 99 (2) p. 230-231

The framing of public discussion facilitates … previously been content to remain silent.

Util
Overreliance on utility principles to justify executive power turns the lesser evil into the greater by obliterating restraints on the conduct of war – balancing legal checks and balances with security is necessary to create optimal outcomes for both
Richard Ashby Wilson 5, the Gladstein Distinguished Chair of Human Rights and Director of the Human Rights Institute at the University of Connecticut, Human Rights in the War on Terror, p. 19-21

Michael Ignatieff’s ‘lesser evil’ ethics and … rule of law are defensible, and which are not. 

ALT—Anti-Subordination Framing
We should frame the question of executive power in terms of racialized harm and otherization. Refusing accommodation with values of the security state is a precondition for preventing racialized hierarchy.
Gil GOTT Int’l Studies @ DePaul 5 “The Devil We Know: Racial Subordination and National Security Law” Villanova Law Review, Vol. 50, Iss. 4, p. 1075-1076 

Anti-subordinationist principles require taking more …subordination through the racialization of "security threats."

Norm-Setting Link
Norm-setting for the legitimate use of force reflects colonial dominance by Western states.  Non-western forms of warfare, identity, and authority are granted no standing.
Jeremy BLACK History @ Exeter 5 “War and international relations: a military-historical perspective on force and legitimacy” Review of Int’l Studies 31 p. 128-131

In response in both cases, these anti-methods … legitimacy as related to its impact on non-Western states.

Stability/Conflict Framing
Framing criticism of the war on terror in terms of threats to U.S. national security generates a militarized paradigm.  We orient ourselves towards “failing” states like Pakistan in a militaristic manner—we need more precise forms of killing to solve instability—that’s their whole solvency contention
Neil COOPER Peace Studies @ Bradford ‘5 “Picking out the Pieces of the Liberal Peaces: Representations of Conflict Economies and the Implications for Policy” Security Dialogue 36 (4) p. 471-

The political economies of contemporary conflicts … structures that contribute to underdevelopment.

Tournament: Wake | Round: 4 | Opponent: Baylor BaBo | Judge: Logan Gramzinski
1NC T—Authority
A topical aff must restrict authority that the President has—they don’t.
Bradley and Goldsmith 5—Curtis and Jack, professor of law at the University of Virginia and professor of law at Harvard 118 Harvard Law Review 2047, May, Lexis

Second, under Justice Jackson's widely accepted … the novel issues posed by the war on terrorism.

Vote neg—they destroy ground based off of a change in authority and allow affs to restrict any assertion of authority the President has made.
They un-limit the topic
BARRON and LEDERMAN 8—*David J. Barron, Professor of Law, Harvard Law School AND Martin S. Lederman, Visiting Professor of Law, Georgetown University Law Center THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF AT THE LOWEST EBB—FRAMING THE PROBLEM, DOCTRINE, AND ORIGINAL UNDERSTANDING, January, 2008, Havard Law Review, 121 Harv. L. Rev. 689

5. Further Assertions of the Preclusive … weeks after the attacks of September 11. n69

Overview—NO Authority
And authority must have a legal basis—assertions aren’t enough
Words and Phrases 4 Volume 4a, Cumulative Supplement Pamphlet, p. 275

U.S.N.Y. 1867.  Under the federal … dismissed.—Milligar v. Hartupee, 73 U.S. 258, 6 Wall. 258, 18 L.Ed. 829

AT: Asserted Authority = Authority
Asserted authority isn’t topical.  We should push back against claims of executive authority—allowing it means it will expand.  The alternative is an unchecked executive
BARRON and LEDERMAN 8—*David J. Barron, Professor of Law, Harvard Law School AND Martin S. Lederman, Visiting Professor of Law, Georgetown University Law Center THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF AT THE LOWEST EBB -- A CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY, February, 2008, Havard Law Review, 121 Harv. L. Rev. 941

VII. Conclusion
Powers once claimed by the … discretion in the conduct of war.

Tournament: Harvard | Round: 1 | Opponent: KCKCC CaGo | Judge: Brian Manuel
1NC—Topicality
“USFG should” means the debate is about a policy established by governmental means
Jon M. ERICSON, Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., 3 The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4

The Proposition of Policy: Urging … the future action that you propose. 

Our interpretation is best because it’s key to preserve productive debate—
A limited topic of discussion that provides for equitable ground is key to productive inculcation of decision-making and advocacy skills in every and all facets of life—even if their position is contestable that’s distinct from it being valuably debatable.  Our interpretation provides room for flexibility, creativity, and innovation, but targets the discussion to avoid mere statements of fact
Steinberg and Freeley 8—*David L. Steinberg, a lecturer in Communication Studies at the University of Miami, holds a Master's Degree in Communication from The University of Tennessee and has completed significant post-graduate work in Communication Studies, Education, and Human Resource Development from The Pennsylvania State University and from Florida International University.  Austin J. Freeley is a Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law February 13, 2008, Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making, Twelfth Edition, Wadsworth Publishing, pg. 43-45

Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be … difference, which will be outlined in the following discussion.

Decision-making skills are the largest impact—they are the only portable impact and determine our success or failure in life.  Critical thinking skills inculcated through debate are crucial
Steinberg and Freeley 8—*David L. Steinberg, a lecturer in Communication Studies at the University of Miami, holds a Master's Degree in Communication from The University of Tennessee and has completed significant post-graduate work in Communication Studies, Education, and Human Resource Development from The Pennsylvania State University and from Florida International University.  Austin J. Freeley is a Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law February 13, 2008, Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making, Twelfth Edition, Wadsworth Publishing, pg. 3-4

After several days of intense debate, first the United States … for our product, or a vote for our favored political candidate.

Debate is crucial to instill effective deliberation and problem-solving skills in an active citizenry.  That is necessary to confront future existential challenges facing society
Lundberg 10—Christian O. Lundberg, Professor of Communications at University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill “Tradition of Debate in North Carolina,” Navigating Opportunity: Policy Debate in the 21st Century, By Allan D. Louden, p. 311-13

The second major problem with the critique that identifies a … to democracy in an increasingly complex world. 

Simulated national security law debates preserve agency and enhance decision-making
Laura K. Donohue 13, Associate Professor of Law, Georgetown Law, 4/11, “National Security Law Pedagogy and the Role of Simulations”, http://jnslp.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/National-Security-Law-Pedagogy-and-the-Role-of-Simulations.pdf

The concept of simulations as an aspect of higher education, or in the …learning curve. While further adaptation of this model is undoubtedly necessary, it suggests one potential direction for the years to come.
Prefer specificity—simulation about war powers is uniquely empowering
Laura K. Donohue 13, Associate Professor of Law, Georgetown Law, 4/11, National Security Law Pedagogy and the Role of Simulations, http://jnslp.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/National-Security-Law-Pedagogy-and-the-Role-of-Simulations.pdf

2. Factual Chaos and Uncertainty¶ One of the most important … to give students the ability to create conditions of learning.

2NC Overview
One—debate is never the site for social change; it is only the site for learning the skills to advocate for social change.  This argument is pretty logical—“we” can’t do anything about anything in this debate because it’s only a game—it is only about the faculties we acquire and can use—even if they win individual debates have transformative potential the limited scope of people that know about them means decision-making and advocacy skills outside of this debate are more important
Atchison and Panetta 9—*Jarrod, Director of Debate at Wake Forest and Edward, Director of Debate at the University of Georgia “Intercollegiate Debate and Speech Communication: Issues for the Future,” The Sage Handbook of Rhetorical Studies, Lunsford, Andrea, ed., 2009, p. 317-334

The final problem with an individual … requires a tremendous effort by a great number of people.

AT: Education without Ethics
Four—switch-side debate is a pre-requisite to teaching students ethics—they must learn to challenge their convictions.
Muir 93—Star Muir, Professor of Communication at George Mason “A Defense of the Ethics of Contemporary Debate,” Philosophy and Rhetoric 26.4, p. 291-292

A final point about relativism is that switch-side debate encourages … views and the concomitant strength of a reasoned moral conviction.

AT: Advocating Rez = Unethical
The argument that being topical is structurally unfair for them is a self-serving assertion used to sidestep clash—critiquing any part of the resolution, like the FG, to legitimize avoiding topical action gets co-opted by the right for the opposite purpose.
TALISSE 5— Robert, philosophy professor at Vanderbilt “Deliberativist responses to activist challenges,” Philosophy and Social Criticism, 31.4
*gendered language in this article refers to arguments made by two specific individuals in an article by Iris Young

My call for a more detailed articulation of the second activist challenge may be … upon interestbased power struggles amongst adversarial factions.

Topic Words
They don’t meet—they don’t do one of the 5.
KAISER 80—the Official Specialist in American National Government, Congressional Research Service, the Library of Congress Congressional Action to Overturn Agency Rules: Alternatives to the Legislative Veto; Kaiser, Frederick M., 32 Admin. L. Rev. 667 (1980)

In addition to direct statutory overrides, there are a variety of …congressional prior notification provisions.

Judicial means the court
WEST’S LAW 08 West's Encyclopedia of American Law, edition 2. http://legal-dictionary.thefreedictionary.com/judicial

Relating to the courts or belonging to the office of a judge; … to punish, sentence, and resolve conflicts.

WP DA
Executive flex necessary to respond to and prevent crises
POSNER and VERMEULE 7—*Eric A. Posner, Professor of Law at the University of Chicago Law School AND Adrian Vermeule, Professor of Law at Harvard Terror in the Balance: Security, Liberty, and the Courts, Oxford University Press, pg. 4

A different view, however, is that the history is largely one of … has never collapsed during an emergency. 

Multiple crisis inevitable—executive strength key—Iran Prolif, terrorism, Russian aggression, economic collapse, Senkaku conflict.  
GHITIS 13 World affairs columnist for The Miami Herald and World Politics Review. Frida Ghitis, World to Obama: You can't ignore us, http://www.cnn.com/2013/01/22/opinion/ghitis-obama-world

The president should keep in mind that …history has a habit of toying with the best laid, most well-in

Our framework is to maximize the lives saved.  We should never sacrifice individuals for abstract market values – however, attempts to preserve lives gives equality to all rational beings – that’s key to value to life
Cummisky 96 (David, professor of philosophy at Bates College, Kantian Consequentialism, pg. 145)

We must not obscure the issue by characterizing … suggests that one may have to sacrifice some to save many.

Role of the ballot is to evaluate consequences before ethical justifications
Isaac 2 – Professor of Political Science, Indiana (Jeffrey, “Ends, Means and Politics,” Dissent 49.2, p 35-6, ebsco)
As writers such as Niccolo Machiavelli, Max Weber, Reinhold Niebuhr…. And it undermines political effectiveness.

Tournament: USC | Round: 6 | Opponent: Puget Sound BQ | Judge: Teddy Albiniak
1NC Visibility Critique
The battle for the public sphere is over—we lost.  Conservatives and Liberals are now two sides of the same coin, and any movement that actually promises radical change will be destroyed as soon as it becomes visible.  An invisible movement has the most subversive potential—voting neg to reject politics is the only political act
The Invisible Committee, ‘7 an anonymous group of French professors, phd candidates, and intellectuals, in the book “The Coming Insurrection” published by Semiotext(e) (attributed to the Tarnac Nine by the French police), http://tarnac9.noblogs.org/gallery/5188/insurrection_english.pdf

Whatever angle you look at it from, there's no escape from the present.
AND
we can see and not avoid the conclusions to be drawn from it.

To make micropolitics visible is to coopt it by giving resistance an object – this understanding allows resistance to be framed, to be declared a failure and prevents the immanence of imperceptible politics from coalescing around mundane practices and habitudes of existence
Tsianos et al. ‘8 Vassilis, teaches sociology at the University of Hamburg, Germany, Dimitris Papadopoulos teaches social theory at Cardiff University, Niamh Stephenson teaches social science at the University of New South Wales. “Escape Routes: Control and Subversion in the 21st Century” Pluto Press

In this sense imperceptible politics does not necessarily differ from or oppose other prevalent forms
AND
this void into everyday politics that becomes the vital force for imperceptible politics.

Their arguments about personal agency are ultimately conservative and de-politicizing – arguments for localizing activism within the purview of social location are the equivalent of privatizing social change, creating us as dependent on the necessity of their advocacy. The more successful their strategy is the more damage it does by making institutions necessary to our understanding of social change
Hershock 99, East-West Center, 1999.  “Changing the way society changes”, Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 6, 154; http://jbe.gold.ac.uk/6/hershock991.html 

The trouble is that, like other technologies biased toward control, the more successful
AND
depletion of our resources for meaningfully improvised and liberating intimacy with all things.

2NC Visibility—Turns Case/Impact

The only local space left to us is that of the imperceptible – their ressentiment against exclusion prevents us from loving the present enough to change it
Tsianos et al. ‘8 Vassilis, teaches sociology at the University of Hamburg, Germany, Dimitris Papadopoulos teaches social theory at Cardiff University, Niamh Stephenson teaches social science at the University of New South Wales. “Escape Routes: Control and Subversion in the 21st Century” Pluto Press
New tools of subversion are emerging, but they have not crystallised, they are
AND
transformations are sufficient for interrupting the pervasive sensibilities being shaped by sovereign powers.

Joyful affirmation of the present is prerequisite to any imperceptible politics. Our critique begs the question of whether or not the 1AC should have even happened
Tsianos et al. ‘8 Vassilis, teaches sociology at the University of Hamburg, Germany, Dimitris Papadopoulos teaches social theory at Cardiff University, Niamh Stephenson teaches social science at the University of New South Wales. “Escape Routes: Control and Subversion in the 21st Century” Pluto Press

Joy is crucial to this book. The joy of escape defies seriousness and this
AND
Joy marks the routes of social transforma¬tion. Joy is the ultimate proof.

Globalist subjectivity Link

Their attempt to shirk this obligation through a localist model of education that focuses on this debate renders us as passive spectators to global oppression – this prevents us from honoring our ethical obligation to others. This is a trade-off DA. Vote negative
Ruiz and Minguez ‘1 Prof. Dr Pedro Ortega Ruiz, Facultad de Educacio´ n, Campus de Espinardo, Universidad de Murcia, “Global Inequality and the Need for Compassion: issues in moral and political education”  Journal of Moral Education, Vol. 30, No. 2, 2001
In addition to the reality of the dominant presence of instrumental reason in modern society
AND
to help them grow in responsibility, to honour our obligations toward others.

Tournament: UK | Round: Octas | Opponent: Wake LW | Judge: Severson, Crowe, Sarah Lundeen, Sean Kennedy, Nooch
Whiteness-es K
The discourse of “whiteness” as a continuous and unidirectional historical project from slavery to the contemporary era prevents effective anti-racist struggle.
There are two problems with their characterization of “whiteness”
whiteness is treated as purely negative—their discourse attaches whiteness instrincally to hierarchy rather than difference.  slippage in their rhetoric equates “whiteness” with white supremacy.   
Historical oversimplification. though there is continuity between different white projects failure to recognize, and productively cooperate with alternative white racial formations makes their method counterproductive.  
Howard WINANT Sociology @ UCSB ’97 Behind Blue Eyes: Contemporary White Racial Politics  http://www.soc.ucsb.edu/faculty/winant/whitness.html

In a quiet office at a Washington think tank, a balding white man with
AND
legislation, agreement about the continuing existence of racial subordination has vanished.  The
meaning of race has been deeply problematized. Why?  Because the legacy of centuries
AND
is this situation which can be described as white racial dualism.1 

Their starting point understands all existing white racial projects as coded forms of white-supremacy.  instead, we develop an alternative starting point that recognizes distinct white racial projects.   
Howard WINANT Sociology @ UCSB ’97 Behind Blue Eyes: Contemporary White Racial Politics  http://www.soc.ucsb.edu/faculty/winant/whitness.html

Yet it would be inaccurate to describe the racial reaction of the post-civil
AND
far right, new right, neoconservative, neoliberal, and new abolitionist. 

Their understanding of whiteness leaves whites with one option – repudiation.
Repudiation is bound to fail—instead we need a representation of “whiteness” that faciliates rearticulating a positive, and anti-racist white racial formation. 

Howard WINANT Sociology @ UCSB ’97 Behind Blue Eyes: Contemporary White Racial Politics  http://www.soc.ucsb.edu/faculty/winant/whitness.html

Nevertheless, the neoliberal project does undertake a crucial task: the construction of a
AND
by a mere act of political will, or even by widespread and repeated
acts aimed at rejecting white privilege?  I think not; whiteness may not be
AND
you don't know how American you are" (Thompson 1995, 429).  

Our pedagogical method is necessary to address issues like the environment, trade, and militarism that exceed whiteness. their representation of “whiteness” as a root cause reduces all these to products of whiteness instead of dealing with them in their full complexity.
George YÚDICE Latin American and Caribbean Studies; Spanish and Portuguese Languages and Literatures; Social and Cultural Analysis @ Princeton ‘95 “Neither Impugning nor Disavowing Whiteness Does a Viable Politics Make: The Limits of Identity Politics” in After Political Correctness eds. Christopher Newfield and Ronald Strickland p. 279-281

It is arguments such as those of SWOP and … black, or brown, or queer, or none of the above? 

Only a project that rearticulates rather than condemns whiteness can succeed – we need a critical race theory that can connect the pedagogical method and language to dominant institutions and groups in our society.  
George YÚDICE Latin American and Caribbean Studies; Spanish and Portuguese Languages and Literatures; Social and Cultural Analysis @ Princeton ‘95 “Neither Impugning nor Disavowing Whiteness Does a Viable Politics Make: The Limits of Identity Politics” in After Political Correctness eds. Christopher Newfield and Ronald Strickland p. 273-275

It is incumbent upon multiculturatists, …which now brings us the North American Free Trade Agreement. 

1NR
Anti-whiteness in activism against targeted killing and state violence denies a legacy of inter-class and inter-racial activism against targeted killing that cannot be reduced to whiteness.  

Ashley HOWARD History @ Loyola (New Orleans) ’10 “LYNCHING AND MOB VIOLENCE: CHALLENGING THE DOMINANT NARRATIVES” The Journal of African American History, Vol. 95, No. 2 p. 250-251

The second thematic commonality these books share, the examination of the role of the
AND
share these four thematic continuities, individually they have certain merits and demerits.
Bill Ayers demonstrates the way in which contemporary targeted killing rhetoric exceeds the explanatory lens of white-ness.   Our alternative accounts for the differential dyamics of whiteness in the contemporary structure of the bounty-system.  

Bill AYERS ‘13
http://www.salon.com/2013/10/06/bill_ayers_i_was_sarah_palins_road_kill/ 

“This is not a man who sees America as you see it and how
AND
matters—well, then, OK: I was still a revolutionary.

Experience—Scott
Using personal experience to establish the legitimacy of argument essentializes difference.  This prevents an analysis of the ideological systems that shape the construction of experience
Joan W. SCOTT is professor of social science at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey, 91 “The Evidence of Experience,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 17, No. 4 (Summer, 1991), pp. 773-797, JSTOR

When the evidence offered is the … a structuring definitional leverage over the whole range of male bonds that shape the social constitution.9 

Their appeal to the experience of an oppressed identity to establish the authenticity of a political claim reinforces exclusion. Experience is defined in self-serving terms to eliminate questioning of its foundational status.
Joan W. SCOTT is professor of social science at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey, 91 “The Evidence of Experience,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 17, No. 4 (Summer, 1991), pp. 773-797, JSTOR

The unifying aspect of experience excludes whole … the necessarily discursive character of these experiences as well.

We should not use experience as the basis for authority. Exposing the existence of racist ideology on the basis of experience does not provide the means to undermine it.  My experience of being oppressed doesn’t provide the path to getting outside oppression.  If the only way to resist is based on experience of racist oppression, then there is no way to get outside of the system of racism.
Joan W. SCOTT is professor of social science at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey, 91 “The Evidence of Experience,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 17, No. 4 (Summer, 1991), pp. 773-797, JSTOR

The project of making experience visible precludes analysis of the workings of this system and
AND
explanatory categories usually taken for granted, including the category of "experience."

Subotnik
Notion that black liberation is necessary by reartculating a new style means that any integration into white style is equated with elimination.  All arguments on topicality prove.  The notion that integration into dominant styles of debate, i.e. being topical, causes erasure of black culture is ridiculous and disempowers black culture
Daniel SUBOTNIK, Professor of Law, Touro College, Jacob D. Fuchsberg Law Center, 98 Spring, 1998, “WHAT'S WRONG WITH CRITICAL RACE THEORY?: REOPENING THE CASE FOR MIDDLE CLASS VALUES,” Cornell Journal of Law and Public Policy, 7 Cornell J. L. and Pub. Pol'y 681, Lexis

A. The Complaint of Culture
Perhaps no issue has served more "to open up space" …American culture is thoroughly decentralized. n132

AT: Performance
Privileging code-switching grants the illusion of ethical powers, but removes the ground for collective change and the testing of ethical principles.
David SIMPSON English @ UC Davis 2 Situatedness, or Why We Keep Saying Where We’re Coming From p. 232-235

Ulrich Beck's Risk Society, which can usefully be read along with Giddens's Modernity and
AND
are now all the more marketable because of the extent of this panic.