Tournament: fullerton | Round: 4 | Opponent: emory ab | Judge: ewing

The state of exception is the new norm.  The juridico-political system is founded upon the use of law in order to justify lawlessness and violent biopolitics. The affirmative’s call to reign in executive power through law fails to recognize that the problem is the appeal to law itself. The status quo guarantees a violent norm which ensures global civil war.

Agamben 05. Giorgio Agamben, famous philosopher, The State of Exception, pg. 85
*anomie – state or condition characterized by a breakdown or absence of norms (lawlessness)

It is perhaps possible at this point to look back upon the path trav-
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is anomic and metajuridical (which we can call by the name auctoritas).
The normative element needs the anomic element in order to be ap- plied,
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, then the juridico-political system transforms itself into a killing machine.
6.10 The aim of this investigation—in the urgency of the state
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- lation to law stands before a norm with no relation to life.
This does not mean that the machine, with its empty center, is not
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state of exception internally—nevertheless still claims to be applying the law.
Of course, the task at hand is not to bring the state of exception
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working of the machine that is leading the West toward global civil war.

And the aff’s legal approach only serves to normalize the state of exception – by creating a legal framework for the deployment of offensive cyberoperations, the affirmative legitimizes their ’legal’ military use

Gregory 11. Derek Gregory, professor of geography at the University of British Columbia, "The Everywhere War," he Geographical Journal, Vol. 177, No. 3, September 2011, pg. 246

The question is a good one, but it needs to be directed outwards as
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, but ~they~ would never be certain whom to blame.’
Contrapuntal geographies
I have argued elsewhere that the American way of war has changed since 9/
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refuses to confirm its UAV strikes in Pakistan provides arguments for their legality.
The invocation of legality works to marginalise ethics and politics by making available a seemingly
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is a war or not’ (Deich- mann et al. 2002).

Their use of law plays into a rigged game of law which adds more illusory safeguards which can be subverted whenever the government sees fit.

Krasmann 12.  Susanne Krasmann, Professor of Sociology at the Institute for Criminological Research, University of Hamburg, "Law’s knowledge: On the susceptibility and resistance of legal practices to security matters, "Theoretical Criminology 2012 16: 379 originally published online 4 June 2012, pg. 380

In the face of these developments, a new debate on how to contain governmental
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Ferejohn and Pasquale Pasquino (2004: 228), for instance, contend:
We are faced, nowadays, with serious threats to the public safety that can occur anywhere and that cannot terminate definitively. ... If we think that the capacity to deal effectively with emergencies is a precondition for republican government, then it is necessary to ask how emergency powers can be controlled in modern circumstances.
Adequate legal frameworks and institutional designs are required that would enable us to ’reconcile’ security with (human) rights, as Goold and Lazarus (2007b: 15) propose, and enduring emergency situations with the rule of law.
Traditional problems in the relationship between law and security government within this debate form a
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any such decision entails, thus exempting it from the possibility of dissent.
Institutional arrangements that enforce legislative control and enable citizens to claim their rights are certainly
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can be regarded as a touchstone of law’s resistance to its own abrogation.

The alternative is a refusal of sovereign power through an ethos of hacking. In the terrain of cyberspace, hacking allows a modern form of civil disobedience which allows us to clog the sovereign machine

Cox and Knahl 11. Geoff Cox Researcher in Digital Aesthetics as part of the Digital Urban Living Research Center, Aarhus University (DK). He is also an occasional artist, and Associate Curator of Online Projects, Arnolfini, Bristol (UK), adjunct faculty, Transart Institute, Berlin/New York (DE/US), Associate Professor (Reader), University of Plymouth (UK), where he is part ofKURATOR/Art and Social Technologies Research group, and Martin Knahl, Lecturer at the University of Plymouth. He is a Research Fellow at the Centre for Information Security and Network Research, "NeMe: Critique of Software Violence," http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security, May 2011

When no other choice is possible, software violence might be the answer – replacing
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virtuosity (Levy 1984). The ethical principles of hacking reflect these concerns:
Access to computers – and anything that might teach you something about the way the world really works – should be unlimited and total.
Always yield to the Hands-On Imperative21
All information should be free.
Mistrust authority – promote decentralization.
Hackers should be judged by their acting, not bogus criteria such as degrees, age, race, or position.
You can create art and beauty on a computer.
Computers can change your life for the better.
Don’t litter other people’s data.
Make public data available, protect private data.14-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security
In keeping with these principles, it should be stated that most hackers condemn attacks against communication systems. In 1999, the Chaos Computer Club joined an international coalition of hacker groups (including the Cult of the Dead Cow)15-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security to condemn the use of networks as battlegrounds in their declaration for ’info peace’: ’DO NOT support any acts of "Cyberwar". Keep the networks of communication alive. They are the nervous system for human progress.’16-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security
An excellent example of non-violent direct action is the FloodNet tactical software developed
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statements to a targeted site by transmitting them to the server’s log files:
’By the selection of phases for use in building the "bad" urls , for example using "human_rights" to form the url "http://www.xxx.gb.mx/human_rights", the FloodNet is able to upload messages to server error logs by intentionally asking for a non-existent url. This causes the server to return messages like "human_ rights not found on this server." This works because of the way many http servers process requests for web pages that do not exist. FloodNet’s Java applet asks the targeted server for a directory called, in this example, "human_rights", but since that directory doesn’t exist, the server returns the familiar "File not Found" or "Error 404" message, recording the bad request. This is a unique way to leave a message on that server.’ (Stalbaum)18-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security
The tactic follows the hacker sensibility in opening up existing security vulnerabilities in the system
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professionals who recognise that ’security causes its own type of harm’.21-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security
The actions of software dissidents can be seen to extend network forms of antagonism and the justification of certain means that constitute violence – further evoking Benjamin’s essay. Moreover, software is necessarily violent even when it appears nonviolent.

Tournament: fullerton | Round: 1 | Opponent: kansas cd | Judge: landrum

Text –

Congress should propose and three fourths of the states should ratify an amendment to the United States Constitution that the united states federal government should provide trials with a preponderance of the evidence standard for individuals in military detention. 

Amending the constitution solves – it establishes clear and credible war powers authority

Goldstein 88 (Yonkel, J.D. – Stanford Law School and Has the Sweetest of Names, "The Failure of Constitutional Controls over War Powers in the Nuclear Age: The Argument for a Constitutional Amendment," Stanford Law Review, July, 40 Stan. L. Rev. 1543, Lexis)

The scope of the war-making powers of the executive and legislative branches of
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would function similarly to how they have operated in the due process area.

The plan reverses court deference and rules on a political question

Lederman 11 (Martin, Professor of Law – Georgetown University Law Center, "War, Terror, and the Federal Courts, Ten Years After 9/11: Conference*: Association of American Law Schools’ Section on Federal Courts Program at the 2012 AALS Annual Meeting in Washington, D.C.," American University Law Review, June, 61 Am. U.L. Rev. 1253, Lexis)

Number two: Numerous very important, contested, hotly debated topics have arisen in
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weakening of the Bivens n2 and state court sorts of causes of action.
We will also discuss the fact that there are many people who think the federal
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the federal courts have been too timid or too aggressive in this area.

Violating the political question doctrine on issues of war power causes a wave of litigation – that destroys the effectiveness of US defense contractors

Isenberg 10 (David, Research Fellow – Independent Institute, "Contractor Legal Immunity and the ’Political Questions’ Doctrine," CATO Institute, 1-19, http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/contractor-legal-immunity-political-questions-doctrine-http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/contractor-legal-immunity-political-questions-doctrine)

Carter wrote:
What is the political question doctrine? According to Chief Justice John Marshall, "~
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said to be ’nonjusticiable,’ or ’political questions.’"
What this means is that traditionally courts have deferred to the political branches in matters
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" are "subject always" to the control of the political branches.
Tort suits that challenge the internal operations of these areas of the military are likely
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prohibits judicial action merely because an issue involves the military in some fashion.
Where plaintiffs seek only damages and not injunctive relief, such cases are "particularly judicially manageable." When such a damages-only lawsuit concerns only a defense contractor (as opposed to the Federal Government), courts have held that such actions do not involve "overseeing the conduct of foreign policy or the use and disposition of military power." Thus, those actions are less likely to raise political questions than suits against the Government, suits seeking injunctive relief, or both.
Given the enormous amount of money involved in Government contingency contracting and the correspondingly large
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case centered around the tragic events at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq.
In Ibrahim v. Titan Corp., Iraqi plaintiffs alleged they were tortured, raped
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for full factual development of a case prior to an assessment of justiciability.
One particularly interesting point in Carter’s article is this:
Judges and scholars openly speculate about the possible consequences of defense contractor tort liability on the federal procurement process. In Boyle, the Supreme Court warned that "~t~he financial burden of judgments against ~~ contractors would ultimately be passed through, substantially if not totally, to the United States itself, since defense contractors will predictably raise their prices to cover, or to insure against, contingent liability … ."
Since private military contracting advocates claim that their firms are more cost effective than the government one might reasonably believe that they can be so only by preventing tort suits against them. If the cost of such suits were factored in, the presumed cost effectiveness could conceivably be significantly less, or perhaps not exist at all.
Carter asks "is the situation really this dire? Are contractors at a point where, because of increased litigation risks, they will be forced to charge the Government more for their services or elect to not provide services altogether?"
The answers may not be far away. In November 2008, Joshua Eller filed
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of several suits currently pending that relate to similar KBR activities in Iraq.
The political question doctrine will be a major factor in this coming storm of litigation. With the large number of potential plaintiffs compounded by the seriousness of the conduct and injuries alleged, these suits have the potential to dwarf the damages awards previously sought in earlier GWOT cases. Undoubtedly, KBR will seek to raise the political question doctrine as an absolute bar to these and any similar suits.
Defense contractor advocates warn of "deleterious effects" to the mission and the contractor
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a fear of being sued, refuse to follow the military’s instructions altogether.

That’s key to operational success in Afghanistan

Schwartz 9 (Moshe, Specialist in Defense Acquisition – Congressional Research Service, "Department of Defense Contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan: Background and Analysis," Congressional Research Service, 8-23, http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/128824.pdf)

The Department of Defense (DOD) increasingly relies upon contractors to support operations in
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likely has undermined U.S. counterinsurgency efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan.
DOD officials have stated that the military’s experience in Iraq and Afghanistan, coupled with
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still in progress and could take three years or more to effectively implement. 

Cross apply their Morgan impact – its an Afghanistan, not Iraq, impact which means only we access it

Tournament: usc | Round: 2 | Opponent: vandy bm | Judge: gordon

Their catastrophe rhetoric reaffirms an anthropocentric value system that is founded upon violence on the non-human

Collard 13—Geography Department at the University of British Columbia ~modified for ableist language, modifications denoted by brackets~
(Rosemary-Claire, "Apocalypse Meow", Capitalism Nature Socialism, 24:1, 35-41, dml)

It is an easy point to make, that apocalypse is defined in almost totally
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and are increasingly being shown to be far less particular than we imagined.

And these representations numb action – expanding our scope of value to the nonhuman allows more effective solutions to attritional impacts which outweigh

Estok 13—Sungkyunkwan University (Simon, "Ecocriticism in an Age of Terror", CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 15.1 (2013), dml)

Understanding the "constructions of terror and terrorist bodies" (Puar xxiv) is
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to do with the very basic issue of how we see the world.
For some time now we have seen the world in high resolution through images which
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and violence that populate our narratives and our imagination about the natural world.
Tragedy is no longer the sole domain of humanity: "Rather than limiting tragedy
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Poole 36) that tragedy stages are moments in the narrative of ecophobia.
Notwithstanding sometimes hostile responses to the theorizing of ecophobia (perhaps from people who think
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, it is necessary to theorize about ecophobia, terror, and tragedy.

The alternative is an imagining of the global suicide of humanity – we must abandon our stranglehold over the domination of life in order to envision a more ethical future

Kochi and Ordan 8 – Lecturer in Law and International Security at the U of Sussex, and *Research in Translation Studies at Bar Ilan U, (Tarik and Noam, "An argument for the global suicide of humanity" borderlands", http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_6981/is_3_7/ai_n31524968/

How might such a standpoint of dialectical, utopian anti-humanism reconfigure a notion
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to reconfigure our notions of action, life-value, and harm.
For some, guided by the pressure of moral conscience or by a practice of
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global suicide of humanity—as a free-willed and ’final solution’.
While we are not interested in the discussion of the ’method’ of the global suicide
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death of our species we will give the gift of life to others.
It should be noted nonetheless that our proposal for the global suicide of humanity is
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no matter how hard we try to forget, suppress or repress it.

And individual complicity in the system is destructive

Kochi and Ordan 8 – Lecturer in Law and International Security at the U of Sussex, and *Research in Translation Studies at Bar Ilan U, (Tarik and Noam, "An argument for the global suicide of humanity" borderlands", http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_6981/is_3_7/ai_n31524968/

In one sense, the human individual’s modern complicity in environmental violence represents something of
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environmental destruction therein, contradicts and counteracts the smaller acts of good intention.

Tournament: usc | Round: 2 | Opponent: vandy bm | Judge: gordon

The 1AC’s attempt to find the ’legitimate’ use of violence is intrinsically linked to the creation of a hierarchy of life that has been used to justify nonhuman subjugation

Kochi 9 - Sussex Law School, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK (Tarik, "Species War: Law, Violence and Animals," SAGE Journals)

Although species war remains largely hidden because it is not seen as war or even
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its moment of foundation, as a generator, as a motor. 7
 

This distinction rests at the heart of the legal system—the hierarchal differential between the human and nonhuman not only ensures continued species war but is the foundation behind any form of violence against the Other.

Kochi 9 - Sussex Law School, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK (Tarik "Species War: Law, Violence and Animals")

The distinction between bare life and the good life is a legal-political distinction
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The critic of war is thus a critic of war’s norm-alization.

And anthropocentrism ensures unimaginable suffering and the unending slaughter of billions per year – this categorically outweighs

Best 7 – Associate Professor at the University of Texas in the Department of Humanities and Philosophy (Steven, "Eternal Treblinka: Our Treatment of Animals and the Holocaust, by Charles Patterson" Journal for Critical Animal Studies, http://www.criticalanimalstudies.org/JCAS/Journal_Articles_download/Issue_7/bestpatterson.pdf-http://www.criticalanimalstudies.org/JCAS/Journal_Articles_download/Issue_7/bestpatterson.pdf)

Too many people with pretences to ethics, compassion, decency, justice, love
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to formulate a religion, they would depict the Devil in human form."
The construction of industrial stockyards, the total objectification of nonhuman animals, and the
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A new awareness is essential for the survival of our endangered planet."40

The alternative is a refusal of sovereign power to draw lines between inside and outside – absolutism’s key

Edkins and Pin-Fat 05. Jenny Edkins, professor of international politics at Prifysgol Aberystwyth University (in Wales) and Veronique Pin-Fat, senior lecturer in politics at Manchester Universit, "Through the Wire: Relations of Power and Relations of Violence," Millennium - Journal of International Studies 2005 34: pg. 14

One potential form of challenge to sovereign power consists of a refusal to draw any
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resist the call to draw any lines of the sort sovereign power demands.
The grammar of sovereign power cannot be resisted by challenging or fighting over where the
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Agamben points out, renders us all now homines sacri or bare life.

An absolute refusal is critical to breaking down the underpinnings of humanist violence

Pugliese 13 – Research Director at Macquarie University (Joseph, "State Violence and the Execution of Law: Biopolitical Caesurae of Torture, Black Sites, Drones," p.95-97)
*reject gendered language 

Critically, the ’solution’ to this regime of violence is not to shuffle the categories of life up or down the biopolitical hierarchy as this merely reproduces the system while leaving intact the governing power of the biopolitical cut andits attendant violent effects. Reflecting on the possibility of disrupting this biopolitical regime and its hierarchies of life, Agamben writes:
in our culture man has always been the result of a simultaneous division and articulation
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to risk ourselves in this emptiness: the suspension of the suspension. 21
Precisely because everything is always already at stake in the continued mobilization of biopolitical caesurae
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disavowing this violent a priori, merely reproduces the species war by other means
In order to short-circuit this machine, a deconstructive move is needed,
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liquidated withoutcompunction - without having to think ’in terms of guilt or innocence.

Its try or die for the neg – The standpoint of the animal epitomizes the failure with status quo politics. Democratic politics has only worked to further the dominant of the non-human. The only thing utopian is believing that the status quo will work.

Calarco 8 – Ph.D, SUNY Binghamton, Associate Professor of Philosophy at Fullerton University (Matthew, "Zoographies: The Question of the Animal from Heidegger to Derrida" p.95-97)

The reader who takes up careful study of Agamben’s work from this angle, seeking
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, democracy and sovereignty but creating an altogether different form of political life.
Agamben’s work faces two important challenges at this level. On the one hand,
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another though of being with Others that is similar to Agamben’s coming community.
I should say that I find neither of these critical perspectives particularly persuasive and that
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rich historical constructs with the intrinsic potential for extensive and remarkably progressive reforms.
And yet, if the question of the animal were taken seriously here and the
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animal life can be accomplished within the confines of the traditions they use.
Of this political terrain, neohumanist arguments concerning the merits of the democratic tradition have
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reformed as to include and give direct consideration to beings beyond the human?

Tournament: usc | Round: 6 | Opponent: georgia cs | Judge: revelins

The aff runs a rigged game—its attempt to use the law to regulate executive violence feigns ignorance to the fundamentally violent character of the law itself

Smith 2 – prof of phil @ U of South Florida 
(Thomas, International Studies Quarterly 46, The New Law of War: Legitimizing Hi-Tech and Infrastructural Violence)

The role of military lawyers in all this has, according to one study,
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and construed, hopes of rescuing law from politics will be dim indeed.

The impact outweighs—to tolerate violence to the slightest degree is to engender war as the solution to all problems—this frames all impacts and precludes socially just policymaking

Lawrence 9 (Grant, "Military Industrial "War" Consciousness Responsible for Economic and Social Collapse," OEN—OpEdNews, March 27)
As a presidential candidate, Barack Obama-http://obama.senate.gov/ called Afghanistan-http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_in_Afghanistan_282001E28093present29 ’’the war we must win.
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will be forced to live the life our present war consciousness is creating.

The alternative is a pedagogical commitment to non-violence—refuse the forced choice of the 1AC, interrogating the discursive frames through which its violence is justified is a prerequisite to any ethically tenable political action

Evans 13—Lecturer in the School of Politics and International Studies at the University of Leeds and Programme Director for International Relations ~the word "a" has been added for correct sentence structure and is denoted by brackets~
(Brad, "INAUGURAL STATEMENT", On Violence 1:1, 2-6, dml)

Violence is a complex phenomenon that defies neat description. It cannot be reduced to
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is the ethical problem that compels us to challenge all its multiple forms.
The concept of violence is not taken lightly here. Violence remains poorly understood if
AND
it eschews intellectual dogmatism with a commitment to the open possibilities in thought.
Hannah Arendt then was only partly correct when she famously contrasted violence with power.
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to destroy something that refuses to conform to the oppressive model/standard?
So rather than countering violence with a "purer violence" (discursive or otherwise
AND
beginning of a violence that amounts to a death sentence for critical thought.
Perhaps the most difficult task faced today is to avoid the false promises of violence
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-violently for the better, the fight for dignity is already lost.

Tournament: texas | Round: 8 | Opponent: kansas ks | Judge: delo

The 1AC’s attempt to reign in the executive by placing faith in the law only serves to legalize the violent nature of the law itself

Smith 2 – prof of phil @ U of South Florida
(Thomas, International Studies Quarterly 46, The New Law of War: Legitimizing Hi-Tech and Infrastructural Violence)

The role of military lawyers in all this has, according to one study,
AND
and construed, hopes of rescuing law from politics will be dim indeed.

The impact outweighs—to tolerate violence to the slightest degree is to engender war as the solution to all problems—this frames all impacts and precludes socially just policymaking

Lawrence 9 (Grant, "Military Industrial "War" Consciousness Responsible for Economic and Social Collapse," OEN—OpEdNews, March 27)
As a presidential candidate, Barack Obama-http://obama.senate.gov/ called Afghanistan-http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_in_Afghanistan_282001E28093present29 ’’the war we must win.
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will be forced to live the life our present war consciousness is creating.

Nonviolence is an existential and ethical imperative—militaristic mindsets are the driving force for all forms of conflict and environmental destruction

Burrowes 13—Fellowship of Reconciliation
(Robert, "Life on the Line: Can Humanity Survive?", http://forusa.org/blogs/robert-j-burrowes/life-line-can-humanity-survive/12483-http://forusa.org/blogs/robert-j-burrowes/life-line-can-humanity-survive/12483, dml)

As we approach the International Day of Nonviolence on October 2, which recognizes Mahatma
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damage human violence is doing to ourselves, each other and the Earth.
Despite his example, most of us are familiar with those horror lists that reveal the extent of our ongoing violence. Here is a sample just to refresh your memory.
Human beings spend 242,000,000,000 each day on military
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over 90 of the large fish in the ocean are already gone.
As polluters, humans are supreme: Eighty-one tons of mercury — the
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carbon dioxide into the atmosphere and release radioactive contaminants into the environment too.
How serious is this? According to James Hansen and colleagues, ongoing burning of
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-Peer Science: The Century-Long Challenge to Respond to Fukushima.")
Can humanity survive? The odds are now stacked heavily against us: despite the
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inflict more violence upon us when we do find the courage to resist.
But there is good news too. The good news is that there are a lot of great people. And by "great people" I mean ordinary people like you and me who are willing to listen to the truth and then do something tangible to make a difference, sometimes by taking no risk at all and sometimes by taking a small, shared risk. So what can we do?

The alternative is a pedagogical commitment to non-violence—refuse the forced choice of the 1AC, interrogating the discursive frames through which its violence is justified is a prerequisite to any ethically tenable political action

Evans 13—Lecturer in the School of Politics and International Studies at the University of Leeds and Programme Director for International Relations ~the word "a" has been added for correct sentence structure and is denoted by brackets~
(Brad, "INAUGURAL STATEMENT", On Violence 1:1, 2-6, dml)

Violence is a complex phenomenon that defies neat description. It cannot be reduced to
AND
is the ethical problem that compels us to challenge all its multiple forms.
The concept of violence is not taken lightly here. Violence remains poorly understood if
AND
it eschews intellectual dogmatism with a commitment to the open possibilities in thought.
Hannah Arendt then was only partly correct when she famously contrasted violence with power.
AND
to destroy something that refuses to conform to the oppressive model/standard?
So rather than countering violence with a "purer violence" (discursive or otherwise
AND
beginning of a violence that amounts to a death sentence for critical thought.
Perhaps the most difficult task faced today is to avoid the false promises of violence
AND
-violently for the better, the fight for dignity is already lost.

The alternative raises a question that comes prior to aff impacts or solvency—voting negative injects epistemic doubt about militarism into our decision calculus which is the prerequisite to shifting away from violence as the solution

Neu 13—University of Brighton ~the word "livers" has been replaced with "lives"…  how do typos like that get through?~
(Michael, "The tragedy of justified war", International Relations 27(4) 461–480, dml)

Just war theory is not concerned with millions of starving people who could be saved
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and the moralistic attitudes that politicians and the media are capable of adopting.
To insist that, in the final analysis, the injustice of wars is completely
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justifiably let us assume, in the course of a ’just war’:
See, we did not bomb your toddler into pieces intentionally. You should also
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did not violate it.) Needless to say, we regret your loss.
This would be a deeply pathological thing to say, but it is precisely what at least some contemporary just war theorists would seem to advise. The monstrosity of some accounts of contemporary just war theory seems to derive from a combination of the degree of certainty with which moral judgements are offered and the ability to regard the moral case as closed once the judgements have been made.
One implication of my argument for just theorists is clear enough: they should critically
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the same grounds on which certain forms of pacifism are themselves grounded’.60
If this is correct, just war theorists have good reason to stop calling themselves by their name. They would no longer be just war theorists, but unjust war theorists, confronting politicians with a jus contra bellum, rather than offering them a jus ad bellum. Beyond being that, they would be much ’humbler in ~their~ approach to considering the justness of war’ (or, rather, the justifiability), acknowledging that:
notions of legitimate violence which appear so vivid and complete to the thinking individual are only moments and snapshots of a wider history concerning the different ways in which humans have ordered their arguments and practices of legitimate violence. Humility in this context does not mean weakness. It involves a concern with the implicit danger of adopting an arrogant approach to the problem of war.61
Binary thinking in just war theory is indeed arrogant, as is the failure to
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thing as a morally justified war that comes without ambiguity and moral remainders.
Any language of justified warfare must therefore be carefully drafted and constantly questioned. It
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fought and what the consequences of fighting or not fighting them will be.
Philosophers of war should also become more sensitive to the problem of political moralism.
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and structures, asking them: Who are you to make that claim?
A philosopher determined to go beyond the narrow discursive parameters provided by the contemporary just
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otherwise deprive themselves, today, of the possibility of not wronging tomorrow.

It’s try or die—the aff is a perfection of the military cooption of academic spaces—the role of the judge should be to dismantle the militarization of knowledge production—individual action is critical and the impact is extinction

BondGraham and Hell 3—PhD Sociology UC Santa Barbara AND UC Fiat Pax Research Project Group
(Darwin and Emily, "THE MILITARIZATION OF AMERICA’S UNIVERSITIES", http://santacruz.indymedia.org/usermedia/application/5/ucsc_demil.pdf-http://santacruz.indymedia.org/usermedia/application/5/ucsc_demil.pdf, dml)

The militarization of knowledge is found in its pure form in the university. Militarized
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world which find solutions in peace and organization, not violence and quantity.
Because universities are at the center of knowledge creation in our society, we find our institutions of higher learning imbued with violence. The militarization of universities leads to a spiraling effect further strengthening the forces of war.
Militarized universities produce: military technologies including – new weapons, warfare systems, ways
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war, the institutions of knowledge produce destruction at the expense of creation.
The technologies meant to banish war as unimaginabley destructive, and obsolete have only accomplished the former. New technologies meant to make war more humane, and conductable have only accomplished the latter.
TechnoWar 26 How the University Makes War Possible
The greatest effect the militarization of universities has had is by making war more conductable
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communications, advanced sensors, all intended to make the US soldier invulnerable.
Science in the service of warfare reinforces a political establishment more willing to use violence than diplomacy. US politicians become sure of their military’s capabilities to defeat the enemy, and to do so in a manner that the American public can accept. The population falls into a similar mindstate. The technological revolution to make war more effectively against the enemy leads us only to more war.
Does science, technology, and knowledge emanating from our universities produce an ethical and
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to make war more humane, and conductable have only accomplished the latter.
What is at Stake?
The future, and everything. The university takes its namesake from this fact.
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powerful attempt humanity has made to understand and re-make the world.
With this fact in mind there are two conclusions to be drawn from the militarization
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betrays the fundamental idealogical basis of the university which is progress through enlightenment.
In contrast, it can be said that the militarization of universities is a problem
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resistance, in peace, and toward the creation of a meaningful future.

Tournament: usc | Round: 4 | Opponent: binghamton rs | Judge: paone

Next off, don’t call it the K—the speciesism counter-narrative—

The 1AC is vocal in its criticism of the racial formations within contemporary politics—but fails to address the more structural question of anthropocentric oppression.  For example—why is it that when Europeans colonized America they attempted to civilize Natives and bring them into their culture, but killed animals LIKE THE ONES THE 1AC DESCRIBED without a second thought?  Why does the inclusion of the non-human feel like an AFTERTHOUGHT in the 1AC, tacked on as mere examples of the violences of colonialism?  Questions like this are important—they reveal an underlying reliance on anthropocentric hierarchies within the 1AC’s emancipatory discourse.

Best 7 – Associate Professor at the University of Texas in the Department of Humanities and Philosophy (Steven, "Eternal Treblinka: Our Treatment of Animals and the Holocaust, by Charles Patterson" Journal for Critical Animal Studies, http://www.criticalanimalstudies.org/JCAS/Journal_Articles_download/Issue_7/bestpatterson.pdf-http://www.criticalanimalstudies.org/JCAS/Journal_Articles_download/Issue_7/bestpatterson.pdf)

While a welcome advance over the anthropocentric conceit that only humans shape human actions,
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over human has deep roots in the oppression of human over animal.1
In this context, Charles Patterson’s recent book, The Eternal Treblinka: Our Treatment
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resources for human use — collapses under the weight of its logical contradictions.
Patterson lays out his complex holistic argument in three parts. In Part I,
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long as men massacre animals, they will kill each other" –Pythagoras
It is little understood that the first form of oppression, domination, and hierarchy
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slavery and the Holocaust being but two of the more dramatic examples."4
Hierarchy emerged with the rise of agricultural society some ten thousand years ago. In
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pens, cages, collars, ropes, chains, and branding irons.
The domination of animals paved the way for the domination of humans. The sexual
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livestock, and males were castrated and forced to work along with females.
In the fifteenth century, when Europeans began the colonization of Africa and Spain introduced
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inflicted on black slaves were developed and perfected centuries earlier through animal exploitation.
As the domestication of animals developed in agricultural society, humans lost the intimate connections they once had with animals. By the time of Aristotle, certainly, and with the bigoted assistance of medieval theologians such as St. Augustine and Thomas Aquinas, western humanity had developed an explicitly hierarchical worldview – that came to be known as the "Great Chain of Being" – used to position humans as the end to which all other beings were mere means.
Patterson underscores the crucial point that the domination of human over human and its exercise
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"swine," "monkeys," "beasts," and "filthy animals."
Once perceived as brute beasts or sub-humans occupying a lower evolutionary rung than
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proven its superiority by bringing the "lower races" under its command.
There are important parallels between speciesism and sexism and racism in the elevation of white
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and stewardship, which however was Judaic moral baggage official Chistianithy left behind.

This is a question of starting points.  No perms—the aff has decided to forego a traditional advocacy in favor of a genealogical criticism—their decision to shift the discussion away from a normative statement about what should happen must be met with a willingness to assign links to their speech act and what they didn’t bring up.  They said we should start with the question of the spatial history and colonization of Los Angeles—we say you should start with what both the colonizers and colonized were and still are eating.

Vote negative to write in the place of animals that die—the role of the ballot is to move towards a true political space which necessarily entails consideration of speciesism as prior rather than the "add animals and stir" approach of the 1AC

Collard 13—Geography Department at the University of British Columbia
(Rosemary-Claire, "Apocalypse Meow", Capitalism Nature Socialism, 24:1, 35-41, dml)

’’A true political space,’’ writes Swyngedouw (2010b, 194), ’’
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of animals that die seems a preferable, though still fraught, characterization.
This paper is therefore written in the place of those uncounted and unnamed non-
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neglects how these very subversions and exclusions are the order’s condition of being.

This is exceedingly relevant to the 1AC’s political project—our demand for the recognition of the non-human shatters the concepts of humanity that they criticize—their failure to interrogate speciesism makes their supposedly radical discourse suspect

Best No Date ~Steven, Chair of Philosophy at UT-EP, "Animal Rights and the New Enlightenment", http://www.drstevebest.org/AnimalRightsandtheNewEnlightenment.htm-http://www.drstevebest.org/AnimalRightsandtheNewEnlightenment.htm~~ 

Western society has made rapid moral progress since the 1960s. The student, black
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change; we must. The message of nature is evolve or die.

Tournament: texas | Round: 1 | Opponent: mary washington sy | Judge: rock doc

Plan’s restrictions are a paper tiger that reinforces a Trumanite bureaucracy, the vast network of officials responsible for national security policymaking—obfuscates underlying ideologies that jack solvency

Glennon 14—Professor of International Law, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University ~Trumanites="the network of several hundred high-level military, intelligence, diplomatic, and law enforcement officials within the Executive Branch who are responsible for national security policymaking"~
 (Michael, "National Security and Double Government", Harvard National Security Journal / Vol. 5, pg 1-114, dml)

The first set of potential remedies aspires to tone up Madisonian muscles one by one
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? What are the responsibilities not of the government but of the people?

The impact’s a permanent war economy—the model of the Trumanite bureaucracy is empirically responsible for every policy failure and disastrous authoritarianism—solvency’s a ruse to dissuade public participation

Glennon 14—Professor of International Law, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University ~Trumanites="the network of several hundred high-level military, intelligence, diplomatic, and law enforcement officials within the Executive Branch who are responsible for national security policymaking"~
 (Michael, "National Security and Double Government", Harvard National Security Journal / Vol. 5, pg 1-114, dml)

Enough examples exist to persuade the public that the network is subject to judicial,
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encourages the public to become less, not more, informed and engaged.
To many, inculcated in the hagiography of Madisonian checks and balances and oblivious of
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all the more implausible. Its existence challenges all we have been taught.
There is, however, little room for shock. The pillars of America’s double
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potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist."611
Bagehot anticipated these risks. Bureaucracy, he wrote, is "the most unimproving
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out to be those made by authoritarian leaders freed from democratic restraints."616
The benefits derived by the United States from double government —enhanced technical expertise,
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of power must adopt a despotism. There is no other alternative."617
The trivial risk of sudden despotism, of an abrupt turn to a police state
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risk is considerable, however, that it will not be a democracy.

Vote neg—criticism is necessary to shift the frame from a question of law to one of politics—the alt enables public interrogation of the underlying assumptions of the aff which comes prior to their impacts

Rana 11—Cornell Law
(Aziz, "Who Decides on Security?", Cornell Law Faculty Working Papers, Paper 87, dml)

If anything, one can argue that the presumptive gulf between elite awareness and suspect
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fundamentally by epistemological uncertainty as opposed to verifiable fact – than policymakers admit.
If both objective sociological claims at the center of the modern security concept are themselves
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, we can expect our prevailing security arrangements to become ever more entrenched. 

Demands for concrete alternatives and "weighing the aff" LOCKS IN bureaucratic thinking—full rejection’s key

Frug 84—Louis D. Brandeis Professor of Law at Harvard Law School
(Gerald, "THE IDEOLOGY OF BUREAUCRACY IN AMERICAN LAW", 97 Harv. L. Rev 1276 1983-1984, dml)

In my view, modest realists have not rejected bureaucratic theory in favor of sophisticated
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courses of action - as if they are competent to make impersonal judgments.
Like judicial review theorists, modest realists accept bureaucracy as a fact of life,
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quit their jobs but not to use these roles to transform corporate policy.
Modest realists have so internalized the bureaucratic moves that, as we have seen,
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. That’s the way they approach ideas; that’s the way they think.
This Article is designed to criticize this way of thinking. I am suggesting that
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the possibility of different ways of approaching the world seem real to them.
Modest realists could abandon their effort to treat some aspects of the world as fixed
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foundation" that could render (even part of) social life noncontroversial.
It may be hard, however, for modest realists, as well as other
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that currently affect our lives, we can readily think of more ourselves.

Tournament: usc | Round: 4 | Opponent: binghamton rs | Judge: paone

The aff’s not topical—the object of the resolution is "war powers authority"—that’s grammatically intuitive and predictable.  The aff must target this for discussion—topicality is a voter:

1. It’s the basis for neg prep which is key to engage affs without unreasonable demands on 2Ns—educational debates with realistic workloads are key to any vision for the activity—also directly key to participation.

2. War powers debates are good—without topicality, there’s a competitive incentive to avoid them and the neg ground associated—

First, they give undergrads an opportunity to uncover a debate that would otherwise be stifled in public—that challenges conventional wisdom on a timely controversy

Kurr 2013 – Ph.D. student in the Communication Arts 26 Sciences program at Pennsylvania State University and a coach for the Penn State Debate Society (9/5, UVA Miller Center 26 CEDA Public Debate Series, "Bridging Competitive Debate and Public Deliberation on Presidential War Powers", http://public.cedadebate.org/node/14)

Taken together, the connection between tournament competition and a public collaboration reorients the pedagogical
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powers and help make the fruits of competitive research have a public purpose.
The second major function concerns the specific nature of deliberation over war powers. Given
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Hence, competitive debate training provides foundation for interrogating these policies in public.
Alarmism on the issues of war powers is easily demonstrated by Obama’s repeated attempts to
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deliberation, it serves to cut against the alarmist rhetoric purported by opponents.
In addition to combating misperceptions concerning detainee transfers, the investigative capacity of collegiate debate
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remain silent" (Engels 26 Saas, 2013, p. 231).
Given the importance of presidential war powers and the strategies used by both sides of
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where deliberation was being stifled. As a result, debaters reinvigorate debate.

Second, key to education on the particulars of the US presidency—that’s a prior question to any informed criticism

Mucher, 12 ~"Malaise in the Classroom: Teaching Secondary Students about the Presidency" Stephen Mucher-http://www.bard.edu/academics/faculty/faculty.php?action=details26id=1969 is assistant professor of history education in the Master of Arts in Teaching Program at Bard College, http://www.hannaharendtcenter.org/?p=7741-http://www.hannaharendtcenter.org/?p=7741~~ 

Contemporary observers of secondary education have appropriately decried the startling lack of understanding most students
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And that reality alone suggests that study of the presidency does indeed matter.