Tournament: all | Round: 1 | Opponent: all of em | Judge: every single one
if i mess up with putting up cites/opensource (likely) shoot me an email at dustml94atgmaildotcom--iand#39;ll be sure to get back asap

Tournament: gsu | Round: 4 | Opponent: nu hs | Judge: malsin

The legal system is broken as the sovereign’s ability to exploit fundamental flaws in the legal system guarantees global biopolitical war—the ballot should side with the global countermovement against such violence that questions the validity of the sovereign system of law itself

Gulli 13.  Bruno Gulli, professor of history, philosophy, and political science at Kingsborough College in New York, and#34;For the critique of sovereignty and violence,and#34; http://academia.edu/2527260/For_the_Critique_of_Sovereignty_and_Violence-http://academia.edu/2527260/For_the_Critique_of_Sovereignty_and_Violence, pg. 1

We live in an unprecedented time of crisis. The violence that characterized the twentieth
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In this sense, the biopolitical cleansing is also immediately a thanatopolitical instrument.
The biopolitical struggle for dominance is a fight to the death. Those who wage
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is obviously on the side of those who reject the paradigm of domination:
~A~nd doubtless, if we consider the objects of the nobles and of the people, we must see that the first have a great desire to dominate, whilst the latter have only the wish not to be dominated, and consequently a greater desire to live in the enjoyment of liberty (Discourses, I, V).
Who can resist applying this amazing insight to the many situations of resistance and revolt
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to understand the twofold nature of power – as domination or as care.
The biopolitical (and thanatopolitical) struggle for dominance is unilateral, for there is
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nice rhetoric, ultimately rests on the threat of military violence and police brutality

Refuse attempts to reform the system and doom it to its own nihilistic destruction—we must refuse all conceptual apparatuses of capture—that intellectuals subtraction is crucial

Prozorov 10. Sergei Prozorov, professor of political and economic studies at the University of Helsinki, and#34;Why Giorgio Agamben is an optimist,and#34; Philosophy Social Criticism 2010 36: pg. 1065

In a later work, Agamben generalizes this logic and transforms it into a basic
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only of (inflict- ing) Death or (doing) Nothing.
On the other hand, this degradation of the apparatuses illuminates the ’inoperosity’ (
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beings of pure potentiality that no identity or vocation can possibly exhaust.’34
Having been concealed for centuries by religion or ideology, this originary inoperos- ity is fully unveiled in the contemporary crisis, in which it is manifest in the inoperative character of the biopolitical apparatuses themselves, which succeed only in capturing the sheer existence of their subjects without being capable of transforming it into a positive form-of-life:
~T~oday, it is clear for anyone who is not in absolutely bad faith that there are no longer historical tasks that can be taken on by, or even simply assigned to, men. It was evident start- ing with the end of the First World War that the European nation-states were no longer capa- ble of taking on historical tasks and that peoples themselves were bound to disappear.35
Agamben’s metaphor for this condition is bankruptcy: ’One of the few things that can be
declared with certainty is that all the peoples of Europe (and, perhaps,
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in bare life and a bios that is only its own zoe.’37
The ’happy’ form-of-life, a ’life that cannot be
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, in which Agamben finds the possi- bility of a happy life.
~If~ instead of continuing to search for a proper identity in the already improper and sense- less form of individuality, humans were to succeed in belonging to this impropriety as such, in making of the proper being-thus not an identity and individual property but a singularity without identity, a common and absolutely exposed singularity, then they would for the first time enter into a community without presuppositions and without subjects.40
Thus, rather than seek to reform the apparatuses, we should simply leave them to their self-destruction and only try to reclaim the bare life that they feed on. This is to be achieved by the practice of subtraction that we address in the following section.

Reject their legal framework for solving the problem of indefinite detention in favor of investing in a more expansive definition of political community—legal accountability is too soon and will fail without an interrogation of what life can be excluded from definitions of legally human

Butler 4—not Judy
(Judith, Precarious Life pg 86-92, dml)

So, these prisoners, who are not prisoners, will be tried, if
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the very ways in which the future may or may not be thought. 

This card is really confusing but shockingly relevant to their aff

Agamben 98. Giorgio Agamben, professor of philosophy at the University of Verona, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, pg. 174

7-7- In this light, the birth of the camp in our
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composed of the state, the nation (birth) , and land.
From this perspective, the camps have, in a certain sense, reap­
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within the city’s interior, is the new biopolitical nomos of the planet.

Tournament: harvard | Round: 2 | Opponent: emory js | Judge: mosley-jensen

Next off is Apocalypse Meow—

The 1AC’s descriptions of an apocalypse depoliticize the human and violence against the nonhuman body—naturalizes oppressive structures

Collard 13—Geography Department at the University of British Columbia ~modified for ableist language, modifications denoted by brackets~
(Rosemary-Claire, "Apocalypse Meow", Capitalism Nature Socialism, 24:1, 35-41, dml)

It is an easy point to make, that apocalypse is defined in almost totally
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and are increasingly being shown to be far less particular than we imagined.

Voting neg means getting naked in front of our pets—use the ballot to express solidarity with the nonhuman through allowing for an apocalypse of the human subject—the debate round is uniquely emancipatory but the perm removes that potential

Collard 13—Geography Department at the University of British Columbia
(Rosemary-Claire, "Apocalypse Meow", Capitalism Nature Socialism, 24:1, 35-41, dml)

While what counts as human shifts dramatically in time and space, what remains for
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consider precisely how this material and symbolic category remains untroubled in such misanthropy.

Tournament: harvard | Round: 6 | Opponent: texas fm | Judge: quigley

The solution to the world’s problem lies in the recognition that there is no solution – suffering and conflict are nothing more internal blockages – we must accept the world as it comes to us or we are doomed to the path of Don Quixote, fighting imaginary windmills for all eternity

Khema 94  (Ayya, 1994, Buddhist monk, "All of us beset by Birth, Decay, and Death." Buddhism Today, http://www.buddhismtoday.com/english/philosophy/thera/003-allofus-5.htm-http://www.buddhismtoday.com/english/philosophy/thera/003-allofus-5.htm)

If you have ever read Don Quixote, you’ll remember that he was fighting windmills
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Unless that becomes clear to us, we will always find another crusade. 

Desire creates the illusion of the self and the suffering that defines the human condition. Our only capacity is thus to affirm the extermination of this desire in the face of perpetual death and an impermanent reality

DOLLIMORE 1998 (Jonathan Dollimore 1998 (Death, Desire and Loss in Western Culture, p 54-56.)

Siddhartha Gautama (560-477 BC) was a prince who, because of
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Nirvana is the utter cessation of desire or craving; it means extinction.

Use the ballot to engage in meditative affirmation of the status quo.

Astma 6 – Professor of Philosophy at Columbia College
(Stephen, "Against Transcendentalism: Monty Python’s The Meaning of Life and Buddhism", Monty Python and Philosophy ebook copy, dml)

Upon close inspection, Buddha shows, paradise crumbles. The atman, on the
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will only know for sure if we are less distracted and more mindful.

Tournament: shirley | Round: 7 | Opponent: kstate kh | Judge: eshort

The 1ac is inculcation within the liberal world order of all cyber space—usage of law to regulate software violence leaves unquestioned the violence innate to law itself, a "friendly violence" that still justifies acting outside the law to protect the network of cyber society.

Cox and Knahl 11. Geoff Cox Researcher in Digital Aesthetics as part of the Digital Urban Living Research Center, Aarhus University (DK). He is also an occasional artist, and Associate Curator of Online Projects, Arnolfini, Bristol (UK), adjunct faculty, Transart Institute, Berlin/New York (DE/US), Associate Professor (Reader), University of Plymouth (UK), where he is part ofKURATOR/Art and Social Technologies Research group, and Martin Knahl, Lecturer at the University of Plymouth. He is a Research Fellow at the Centre for Information Security and Network Research, "NeMe: Critique of Software Violence," http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security, May 2011

Eventually Blue Security surrendered and went out of business, expressing their reluctance (unlike
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violence is exerted nonviolently under the guise of protection from violence: security.

This is not benign, but a liberal tactic in the racist and genocidal global civil war that justifies the destruction of the entire world.

Evans 10. Brad Evans, Lecturer in the School of Politics and International Studies at the University of Leeds and Programme Director for International Relations, "Foucault’s Legacy: Security, War, and Violence in the 21st Century," Security Dialogue vol.41, no. 4, August 2010, pg. 422-424, sage

Imposing liberalism has often come at a price. That price has tended to be
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underwrites the violence of contemporary liberal occupations is removed from the analytical arena.

Refuse the mapping of the liberal sovereign model onto the network. The ethos of hacking is an ethical injunction—computer piracy replaces the standard place of the protest, us the ballot to represent such a clogging of the machine

Cox and Knahl 11. Geoff Cox Researcher in Digital Aesthetics as part of the Digital Urban Living Research Center, Aarhus University (DK). He is also an occasional artist, and Associate Curator of Online Projects, Arnolfini, Bristol (UK), adjunct faculty, Transart Institute, Berlin/New York (DE/US), Associate Professor (Reader), University of Plymouth (UK), where he is part ofKURATOR/Art and Social Technologies Research group, and Martin Knahl, Lecturer at the University of Plymouth. He is a Research Fellow at the Centre for Information Security and Network Research, "NeMe: Critique of Software Violence," http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security, May 2011

When no other choice is possible, software violence might be the answer – replacing
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virtuosity (Levy 1984). The ethical principles of hacking reflect these concerns:
Access to computers – and anything that might teach you something about the way the world really works – should be unlimited and total.
Always yield to the Hands-On Imperative21
All information should be free.
Mistrust authority – promote decentralization.
Hackers should be judged by their acting, not bogus criteria such as degrees, age, race, or position.
You can create art and beauty on a computer.
Computers can change your life for the better.
Don’t litter other people’s data.
Make public data available, protect private data.14-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security
In keeping with these principles, it should be stated that most hackers condemn attacks against communication systems. In 1999, the Chaos Computer Club joined an international coalition of hacker groups (including the Cult of the Dead Cow)15-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security to condemn the use of networks as battlegrounds in their declaration for ’info peace’: ’DO NOT support any acts of "Cyberwar". Keep the networks of communication alive. They are the nervous system for human progress.’16-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security
An excellent example of non-violent direct action is the FloodNet tactical software developed
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statements to a targeted site by transmitting them to the server’s log files:
’By the selection of phases for use in building the "bad" urls , for example using "human_rights" to form the url "http://www.xxx.gb.mx/human_rights", the FloodNet is able to upload messages to server error logs by intentionally asking for a non-existent url. This causes the server to return messages like "human_ rights not found on this server." This works because of the way many http servers process requests for web pages that do not exist. FloodNet’s Java applet asks the targeted server for a directory called, in this example, "human_rights", but since that directory doesn’t exist, the server returns the familiar "File not Found" or "Error 404" message, recording the bad request. This is a unique way to leave a message on that server.’ (Stalbaum)18-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security
The tactic follows the hacker sensibility in opening up existing security vulnerabilities in the system
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professionals who recognise that ’security causes its own type of harm’.21-http://www.neme.org/1300/critique-of-software-security
The actions of software dissidents can be seen to extend network forms of antagonism and the justification of certain means that constitute violence – further evoking Benjamin’s essay. Moreover, software is necessarily violent even when it appears nonviolent.

Tournament: shirley | Round: 1 | Opponent: nyu gz | Judge: shanahan
shouts out to matthew "spank daddy" harkins

Future framing obfuscates what’s right in front of us—it mirrors the American obsession with the child that is inherently anti-queer—their concept of democratic participation relies on the heteronormative subject position of a citizen that is foreclosed to queer bodies

Edelman 4 (Lee, professor and chair of the English Department at Tufts University, No Future: Queer Theory and Death Drive. 2004, p. 10-2, MH)

In its coercive universalization, however, the image of the Child, not to
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of social organization, collective reality, and, inevitably, life itself.

Heteronormativity results in a drive toward global omnicide – universal suspicion of Queerness with the will to destroy it leads to total extinction

Sedgwick 8 (Eve, Professor of English at Duke University, Epistemology of the Closet, second revised edition, California at Berkeley Press, p. 127-130 – we do not advocate ableist language)

From at least the biblical story of Sodom and Gomorrah, scenarios of same-
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thought between minority potentials and universalizing ones be opened and opened and opened?

Our advocacy text—vote negative to endorse restrictions on the unitary executive over cyber warfare. Liberalism closes off deliberation because it’s afraid where true democracy will take us, instead investing the executive with the authority to narrate the present into the future. Vote neg to open debate to negativity.

Edelman 4 (Lee, professor and chair of the English Department at Tufts University, No Future: Queer Theory and Death Drive. 2004 pp. 4-6, MH)
Rather than rejecting, with liberal discourse, this ascription of negativity to the queer
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thus in its radical challenge to the very value of the social itself.

Tournament: gsu | Round: 8 | Opponent: indiana ps | Judge: weil

The 1ac is stuck in the juridical matrix, viewing war powers as legally possessed, masking that power itself determines the discursive stage upon which their advocacy plays out—break open the juridical discussion of war powers.

Salter 85.  M.G. Salter, lecturer in criminal law at the University of Birmingham, "The Rule of Power in the Language of Law," The Liverpool Law Review Vol.VII(1) ~1985~ pg. 45

Through this linguistic patterning of administered time, the student is kept under the continual assessment of normalising judgments that examine, compare and contrast in order to accumulate a knowledge. Even the measurers are themselves externally measured, graded and assessed. Between staff, considerations of tactics determine aspects of discourse. Rarely is complete openness and honesty strategic.
Power also operates through legal discourse to assemble specific relations between people through individualising and
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what "tenancy’~ "rights" etc.~ means has already happened.
It is therefore inadequate to see these effects of power as mere rituals without penetrating
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the effect of these modifications upon the subsequent authority of the overruled speaker.
Not only is the "who" prescribed in advance, but the "how
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else -perhaps an unintended public humiliation of a senior member of government.?
In our academic discourse the power of the legal professions to impose a particular form
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body positions - to maintain the authority of the speaker. (9)
A law of compossibility has then laid down rules whose historical interplay determine why the
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highly tactical, atmospheres of court rooms, television debates or picket lines.
Such mastery and command does not make a person master of the rules themselves.
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threat and reality support the widely felt need for such codes and law.
Power operates as much through the understanding as the speaking of legal discourse. Thus
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to consider what this established intelligibility then means for administrators and trade unionists.
Power therefore delimits and holds together a select audience for particular legal discourses. The
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professional training etc., that occur against external government financial and relevancy criteria.

Framing targeted killing as a juridical problem misunderstands agency and conflates the law and politics—the correct response cannot be to respond to legal discourse, but to disrupt it

Krasmann 12. Susanne Krasmann, prof. Dr, Institute for Criminological Research, University of Hamburg, "Targeted Killing and Its Law: On a Mutually Constitutive Relationship," Leiden Journal of International Law (2012), 25, pg. 678

The legal debate on targeted killing, particularly that referring to the US practice,
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the fact that the law, once invoked, launches its own claims.
To insist on disclosing ’the full legal basis for targeted killings’; on criteria
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in the fight against terrorism and is being determined and implemented legally.91
When framed within the ’theatre of war’, targeted killing categorically seems to be
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, comprehend, and assess a procedure and couch it in legal terms.
This is also noticeable in the case of the Osama bin Laden killing. As
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work is a transformation of laws through practice, rather than their amendment.
Giorgio Agamben maintains that a legal norm, because abstract, does not stipulate its
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the ’compulsion of legality’ is that legality itself is a shifting reference.
Seen this way, the United States does not establish targeted killing as a legal
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threats and security, and in the dispute about targeted killing operations’ legality.

The juridical matrix is a racist project to force the entire earth under the aegis of liberal control or else—wars are waged not in the name of a sovereign’s juridical power, but on behalf of the global liberal body itself

Evans 10. Brad Evans, Lecturer in the School of Politics and International Studies at the University of Leeds and Programme Director for International Relations, "Foucault’s Legacy: Security, War, and Violence in the 21st Century," Security Dialogue vol.41, no. 4, August 2010, pg. 422-424, sage

Imposing liberalism has often come at a price. That price has tended to be
AND
underwrites the violence of contemporary liberal occupations is removed from the analytical arena.

The alternative is to reject the affirmative for their complicity with the juridical matrix. The 1nc’s speaking truth to power, an irruption of established discourse that allows alternatives to bubble to the surface and demonstrates that the emperor has no cloths

Simpson 12. Zachary Simpson, professor of philosophy at the University of Arts and Sciences of Oklahoma, Foucault Studies, No. 13, May 2012, pg. 107

The parallels between Foucault’s conception of his own historical-critical method—"fic-
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interference with the present that discloses unthought-of possibilities in the future.
Foucault’s contrast between the performative utterance and parrhesia also clarifies what parrhesia does not do
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subversive nature with respect to power and, hence, its subsequent risk.

Tournament: shirley | Round: 1 | Opponent: nyu gz | Judge: shanahan

The battle for the public sphere is over—we lost.  Conservatives and liberals are now two sides of the same coin, and any movement that actually promises radical change will be destroyed as soon as it becomes visible.  An invisible movement has the most subversive potential—the only space left for radical thought is the non-sensical, that which is excluded by its very unintelligibility to the public sphere

The Invisible Committee, ’7 ~an anonymous group of French professors, phd candidates, and intellectuals, in the book "The Coming Insurrection" published by Semiotext(e) (attributed to the Tarnac Nine by the French police), http://tarnac9.noblogs.org/gallery/5188/insurrection_english.pdf-http://tarnac9.noblogs.org/gallery/5188/insurrection_english.pdf~~

Whatever angle you look at it from, there’s no escape from the present.
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we can see and not avoid the conclusions to be drawn from it.

If you think there is any chance that visible politics could put resistance at a disadvantage, refusing to sacrifice the tactical ground of the possibility of lurking in the shadows until the moment is ripe to strike is an internal net benefit to voting negative—even if their depiction of reality is correct, you’d be better off grabbing the high ground

Mann 96. Paul Mann, professor of English at Pomona College, "The Nine Grounds of Intellectual Warfare," Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, muse

Even if fog cannot be reduced to a science without being caught up in the
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There are many more than nine grounds, but the rest are secret.

To make resistance visible is to coopt it by giving it an object – this understanding allows resistance to be framed, to be declared a failure and prevents the immanence of imperceptible politics from coalescing around mundane academic practices and habitudes of existence.  Within the situatedness of the university, the question is thus not, "what type of knowledge can be produced from a specific subject position?" but whether or not that knowledge is reactive and so intelligible to apparatuses of capture that will co-opt and contain it

Tsianos et al. ’8 Vassilis, teaches sociology at the University of Hamburg, Germany, Dimitris Papadopoulos teaches social theory at Cardiff University, Niamh Stephenson teaches social science at the University of New South Wales. "Escape Routes: Control and Subversion in the 21^st Century" Pluto Press

In this sense imperceptible politics does not necessarily differ from or oppose other prevalent forms
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this void into everyday politics that becomes the vital force for imperceptible politics.

Embrace the position of unlocatable criminality at all costs.

Harney and Moten 13.  Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management Education at the Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University and a co-founder of the School for Study and Fred Moten, Helen L. Bevington Professor of Moden Poetry, "Politics Surrounded," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, pg. 139

That double-edged logisticality, where the one who is shipped is also a
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Fuck a home in this world, if you think you have one.
sTefanO: Just like the people we went to school with or maybe some of your Duke students or indeed settlers of the globe generally.
fRed: Yeah, well, the ones who happily claim and embrace their own
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something in the field; that even in deprivation, there’s an opening."
sTefanO: Yeah, I think that’s also something I felt again in these London riots. It’s always that stuff about, "why are they fucking up their own neighborhood?" Of course part of it is they don’t own those neighborhoods. But part of it is also, like, "cuz there’s gotta be some- thing better than home."
fRed: It’s like that, what did that Home Secretary say? What are the causes of the riots? She was like, ’shared criminality.’
sTefanO: She doesn’t know how close she was to the truth.
fRed: She’s ridiculous, and yet there’s something deep and kind of true about that. I think you can make a good case that human being in the world is, and should be, sheer criminality. Which also, first and foremost, implies that making laws is a criminal activity.
sTefanO: The jurisgenerative stuff...?
fRed: Those kids were, basically, like, "fuck this." And you’re right, if you’re implying that Occupy never got to that.
sTefanO: Yeah, it didn’t get there.
fRed: A few people started talking about, "let’s occupy everything. Let’s occupy everywhere" – and that’s more in line. But, "we won’t come to your house and bother you." If that’s the best you can do, then that’s cool too. It’s better to bother someone to death than to die. But we can move past that too.

Their inevitable "try or die" re-inscribes the status quo’s limited scope of politics by maintaining the duality of forced choices, characterizing the question always as EITHER the aff OR the status quo, which is the same tactic that the current political climate uses to keep dissidents content but only on its own terms.  Refuse the choices as offered, demand a third option.

Halberstam 13.  Jack Halberstam, professor of English and Director of the Center for Feminist Research at USC, "The Wild Beyond: With and For the Undercommons," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, Minor Compositions, pg. 8

The path to the wild beyond is paved with refusal. In The Undercom-
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the yes. And so, you must refuse the choice as offered.
Moten and Harney also study what it would mean to refuse what they term "
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distinction between noise and music, chatter and knowledge, pain and truth.
These kinds of examples get to the heart of Moten and Harney’s world of the
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to refuse the offers we receive to shape that noise into "music."

Tournament: gsu | Round: 2 | Opponent: houston jj | Judge: baker

The 1ac is an attempt to command and control a situation whose destructive power is inherently outside of the possibility of comprehension, implicitly accepting the terms of a rigged game that makes a new kind of nuclear biopower that results in the destruction of all others and one’s own suicide possible.

Masco 12. Joseph Masco, Professor of Anthropology and of the Social Sciences at the University of Chicago, "The Ends of Ends," Anthropological Quarterly Volume 85, Number 4, Fall 2012-http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/anthropological_quarterly/toc/anq.85.4.html, pg. 1118

The scale of destruction detailed in sIOP-62 is a distinctive moment in human
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projec- tions, and fantasies, as well as physics and engineering.
US policymakers have experienced many moments of rupture in their global vision, shocks that
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American fantasies that generated the "missile gap" in the first place.
the corona system was both cutting edge technology and a new form of expressive culture
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combined on military matters but has not yet achieved anything like "security."
The corona system offers us, in Benjamin’s terms, an important oppor- tunity
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-thinking its own cultural terms, expert logics, or institutional practices.
The constant slippages between crisis, expertise, and failure are now well established in
AND
comprehension from compensation in the minute-to-minute assessment of crisis.
this seems to be a fundamental problem in Us national security cul- ture—
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? What would it take to consider an actual end to such ends?

The 1ac’s invocation of the legal norm forcloses responding to nuclear weapons from the extremethrough a leveling critique from the periphery and instead relies on the same legal-national security alliance that produced the atomic situation in an attempt to regulate it

Masco 12. Joseph Masco, Professor of Anthropology and of the Social Sciences at the University of Chicago, "The Ends of Ends," Anthropological Quarterly Volume 85, Number 4, Fall 2012-http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/anthropological_quarterly/toc/anq.85.4.html, pg. 1107

The concept of the extreme is relational, assuming a counterpoint to ev- eryday
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reflexive critique become both ever more vital, yet also more inherently fraught.
In an extreme age, we might well ask: what are the possibilities for
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bust capitalism, as environmental ruin) as the basis for everyday life?
This short paper does not provide an answer to these questions (would that it
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. It seeks less to settle and explain than to agitate and provoke.

Tournament: gsu | Round: Doubles | Opponent: wake lw | Judge: hester, spring, topp

Their attempt at academic change sustains power’s ability to constrain ANY resistance by turning those victims of power into ghosts.  The tradition of liberal citizenship is a ghostly attempt to remember past political struggles that ultimately fetishize movements of the past, especially in academic subculture—this turns the case.

Occupied UC Berkeley 2k9.http://anticapitalprojects.wordpress.com/2009/11/19/the-necrosocial/, the necrosocial: civic life, social death, and the UC, nov. 19

Totally managed death. A machine for administering death, for the proliferation of technologies
AND
gets its own designated burial plot.  Who doesn’t participate in this graveyard?

Their argument that making this argument in a debate round actually changes something ignores  the coordinates of academic power/knowledge at play in the debate tournament itself which will always commodify their activism to justify the institutional and depoliticizing structure of the activity

Occupied UC Berkeley ’9. http://anticapitalprojects.wordpress.com/2009/11/19/the-necrosocial/-http://anticapitalprojects.wordpress.com/2009/11/19/the-necrosocial/, the necrosocial: civic life, social death, and the UC, nov. 19

In the university we prostrate ourselves before a value of separation, which in reality
AND
the positions we thoughtlessly enact.  It’s the particular nature of being owned.

The 1ac hopes to awaken consciousness to the needs of black liberation, the question of the negative is where does that awakening take place? In academia? In debate? The silence of the affirmative on this question is problematic—the university structure is not neutral
Harney and Moten 13.  Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management Education at the Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University and a co-founder of the School for Study and Fred Moten, Helen L. Bevington Professor of Modern Poetry at Duke University, "Politics Surrounded," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, pg. 41

Here one comes face to face with the roots of professional and criti- cal
AND
pos- sible in the underlabor of their social being as critical academics.
The slogan on the Left, then, "universities, not jails," marks
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deny what Foucault called in his 1975-76 lectures the race war.
War on the commitment to war breaks open the memory of the con- quest
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of its honor, to the nights of labor, in the undercommons.
The university, then, is not the opposite of the prison, since they
AND
in common, organized as secret, calling into being the prophetic organization.

Paradoxically their demand for a ballot posits them as the critical intellectual counterinsurgency, worse than the status quo because the 1ac can be held up as an example of the neutrality of debate, allowing more radical theories to be disregarded as "unprofessional."  Remember this every time they claim we have no alternative.

Harney and Moten 13.  Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management Education at the Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University and a co-founder of the School for Study and Fred Moten, Helen L. Bevington Professor of Moden Poetry, "Politics Surrounded," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, pg. 29

Introducing this labor upon labor, and providing the space for its de- velopment
AND
undercommons, its maroons, are always at war, always in hiding.
The maroons know something about possibility. They are the condi- tion of possibility
AND
critical academic is always at the same time an assertion of bourgeois individualism.
Such negligence is the essence of professionalization where it turns out professionalization is not the
AND
, sends its claim that what is left beyond the critical is waste.
But in fact, critical education only attempts to perfect professional education. The professions
AND
more than an ally of professional education, it is its attempted completion.
A professional education has become a critical education. But one should not applaud this fact. It should be taken for what it is, not pro- gress in the professional schools, not cohabitation with the Univer- sitas, but counterinsurgency, the refounding terrorism of law, coming for the discredited, coming for those who refuse to write off or write up the undercommons.

Their activist stance commodifies the experiences of the oppressed they claim to speak for — this renders their political act meaningless and creates a destructive model of dissent that depends upon authoritarian institutions and imprisons the rhetorical value of the 1ac via commodification that denies the dignity of the represented

James 3. Joy James, Professor of Africana Studies @ Brown "Academia, activism, and imprisoned intellectuals." http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Academia,+activism,+and+imprisoned+intellectuals.-a0133368005

Activism is as multidimensional in its appearances as the academy; as academia’s alter ego
AND
communicate with political prisoners, as openly as possible given the structural disparities.
 

Disinvest meaning in the ballot.

Harney and Moten 13.  Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management Education at the Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University and a co-founder of the School for Study and Fred Moten, Helen L. Bevington Professor of Modern Poetry at Duke University, "Politics Surrounded," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, pg. 154

sTefanO: For me, when I use the term ’abolition,’ I
AND
of something like credit or measurability or attribution, in a certain way.
fRed: I think this is where that distinction Stefano made between credit and debt
AND
I’m implying there is the possibility of a general socialisation of the maternal.
But, what’s at stake, it’s like, man, we went to look
AND
work today, but by virtue of the fact that you are here.

To make micropolitics visible is to coopt it by giving resistance an object – this understanding allows resistance to be framed, to be declared a failure and prevents the immanence of imperceptible politics from coalescing around mundane practices and habitudes of existence

Tsianos et al. ’8 Vassilis, teaches sociology at the University of Hamburg, Germany, Dimitris Papadopoulos teaches social theory at Cardiff University, Niamh Stephenson teaches social science at the University of New South Wales. "Escape Routes: Control and Subversion in the 21^st Century" Pluto Press

In this sense imperceptible politics does not necessarily differ from or oppose other prevalent forms
AND
this void into everyday politics that becomes the vital force for imperceptible politics.

Their inevitable "try or die" re-inscribes the status quo’s limited scope of politics by maintaining the duality of forced choices, characterizing the question always as EITHER the aff OR the status quo, which is the same tactic that the current political climate uses to keep dissidents content but only on its own terms.  Refuse the choices as offered, demand a third option.

Halberstam 13.  Jack Halberstam, professor of English and Director of the Center for Feminist Research at USC, "The Wild Beyond: With and For the Undercommons," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, Minor Compositions, pg. 8

The path to the wild beyond is paved with refusal. In The Undercom-
AND
the yes. And so, you must refuse the choice as offered.
Moten and Harney also study what it would mean to refuse what they term "
AND
distinction between noise and music, chatter and knowledge, pain and truth.
These kinds of examples get to the heart of Moten and Harney’s world of the
AND
to refuse the offers we receive to shape that noise into "music."

Tournament: shirley | Round: 5 | Opponent: bard dn | Judge: ziering

The 1ac hopes to awaken consciousness to reframe debate, the question of the negative is where does that awakening take place? In academia? In debate? The silence of the affirmative on this question is problematic—debate is not neutral, it is a prison that acts as an apparatus of capture for their advocacy

Harney and Moten 13.  Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management Education at the Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University and a co-founder of the School for Study and Fred Moten, Helen L. Bevington Professor of Modern Poetry at Duke University, "Politics Surrounded," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, pg. 41

Here one comes face to face with the roots of professional and criti- cal
AND
pos- sible in the underlabor of their social being as critical academics.
The slogan on the Left, then, "universities, not jails," marks
AND
deny what Foucault called in his 1975-76 lectures the race war.
War on the commitment to war breaks open the memory of the con- quest
AND
of its honor, to the nights of labor, in the undercommons.
The university, then, is not the opposite of the prison, since they
AND
in common, organized as secret, calling into being the prophetic organization.

Paradoxically their demand for a ballot posits them as the critical intellectual counterinsurgency, worse than the status quo because the 1ac can be held up as an example of the neutrality of debate, allowing more radical theories to be disregarded as "unprofessional."  Remember this every time they claim we have no alternative.

Harney and Moten 13.  Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management Education at the Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University and a co-founder of the School for Study and Fred Moten, Helen L. Bevington Professor of Moden Poetry, "Politics Surrounded," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, pg. 29

Introducing this labor upon labor, and providing the space for its de- velopment
AND
undercommons, its maroons, are always at war, always in hiding.
The maroons know something about possibility. They are the condi- tion of possibility
AND
critical academic is always at the same time an assertion of bourgeois individualism.
Such negligence is the essence of professionalization where it turns out professionalization is not the
AND
, sends its claim that what is left beyond the critical is waste.
But in fact, critical education only attempts to perfect professional education. The professions
AND
more than an ally of professional education, it is its attempted completion.
A professional education has become a critical education. But one should not applaud this fact. It should be taken for what it is, not pro- gress in the professional schools, not cohabitation with the Univer- sitas, but counterinsurgency, the refounding terrorism of law, coming for the discredited, coming for those who refuse to write off or write up the undercommons.

The 1ac re-invests in the debt/credit of the system of debate by making concrete demands through articulation of their interests and asking for a ballot in return—this re-substantiates a collapsing system.

Harney and Moten 13.  Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management Education at the Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University and a co-founder of the School for Study and Fred Moten, Helen L. Bevington Professor of Moden Poetry, "Politics Surrounded," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, pg. 66

We hear them say, what’s wrong with you is your bad debt. You’re
AND
, iden- tify their interests, invest, inform, demand credit.
Governance does not seek credit. It does not seek citizenship, al- though
AND
come, and today it is called policy, the reign of precarity.
And who knows where it will hit you, some creditor walking by you. You keep your eyes down but he makes policy anyway, smashes any conservation you have built up, any bad debt you are smuggling. Your life goes back to vicious chance, to arbitrary violence, a new credit card, new car loan, torn from those who hid you, ripped from those who shared bad debt with you. They don’t hear from you again.
sTUdy and Planning
The student has no interests. The student’s interests must be identified, declared,
AND
trail of fugitive publics, chasing evidence of refuge. The student graduates.

Abolish the meaning of the ballot—the only possible option is a negative ballot because we have not acquiesced to the standard model of libidinal investment in a piece of paper

Harney and Moten 13.  Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management Education at the Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University and a co-founder of the School for Study and Fred Moten, Helen L. Bevington Professor of Modern Poetry at Duke University, "Politics Surrounded," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, pg. 154

sTefanO: For me, when I use the term ’abolition,’ I
AND
of something like credit or measurability or attribution, in a certain way.
fRed: I think this is where that distinction Stefano made between credit and debt
AND
I’m implying there is the possibility of a general socialisation of the maternal.
But, what’s at stake, it’s like, man, we went to look
AND
work today, but by virtue of the fact that you are here.

Their activist stance commodifies the experiences of the oppressed they claim to speak for — this renders their political act meaningless and creates a destructive model of dissent that depends upon authoritarian institutions and imprisons the rhetorical value of the 1ac via commodification that denies the dignity of the represented

James 3. Joy James, Professor of Africana Studies @ Brown "Academia, activism, and imprisoned intellectuals." http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Academia,+activism,+and+imprisoned+intellectuals.-a0133368005

Activism is as multidimensional in its appearances as the academy; as academia’s alter ego
AND
communicate with political prisoners, as openly as possible given the structural disparities.

Any argument they make that the affirmative is key is the same rallying cry used to pave over unseen alternatives in the status quo—demand a third option

Halberstam 13.  Jack Halberstam, professor of English and Director of the Center for Feminist Research at USC, "The Wild Beyond: With and For the Undercommons," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, Minor Compositions, pg. 8

The path to the wild beyond is paved with refusal. In The Undercom-
AND
the yes. And so, you must refuse the choice as offered.
Moten and Harney also study what it would mean to refuse what they term "
AND
distinction between noise and music, chatter and knowledge, pain and truth.
These kinds of examples get to the heart of Moten and Harney’s world of the
AND
to refuse the offers we receive to shape that noise into "music."

Run away from the affirmative.

Deleuze and Guattari 72. Anti-Oedipus, 1972, pg. 340-342

From the viewpoint of unconscious libidinal investment, all the oscillations from one formula to
AND
investment is social, and in any case bears upon a sociohistorical field.

Tournament: shirley | Round: 3 | Opponent: john carroll ms | Judge: rollins

The 1ac comes at the question of indefinite detention from the perspective of color-blindness, attempting to use the mechanisms white civil society to reign in extra-judicial violence that only tries to make sane an inherently racist system that authorizes that violence in the first place—only beginning from the perspective of oppressed makes possible the founding of a new political order

Sexton 10. Jared Sexton, Director, African American Studies School of Humanities at UC Irvine, "People-of-color-blindness," Social Text 103 • Vol. 28, No. 2 • Summer 2010, pg. 47

If the oppression of nonblack people of color in, and perhaps beyond, the
AND
of exploitation or colonization or a species of racial oppression among others.74
The upshot of this predicament is that obscuring the structural position of the category of
AND
of its material and symbolic power relative to the category of blackness.76
This is why every attempt to defend the rights and liberties of the latest victims
AND
society is more appropriately envisioned as the creation of an entirely new world:
I knew that no matter how far from home I traveled, I would never
AND
it no doubt would entail nothing less momentous than yet another revolution.7
 

Their reliance on legal modernity to regulate the existence of detention guarantees that their must be camps outside the law in which the executive can act with impunity—we need a new politics

Agamben 98. Giorgio Agamben, professor of philosophy at the University of Verona, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, pg. 174

7-7- In this light, the birth of the camp in our
AND
composed of the state, the nation (birth) , and land.
From this perspective, the camps have, in a certain sense, reap­
AND
within the city’s interior, is the new biopolitical nomos of the planet.

Their aff scape goats the decision on indefinite detention to legal bureaucrats who will make racist decisions about who will be indefinitely detained RATHER than applying the plan’s case law equally

Tagma 09. Halit Mustafa Tagma, Professor of Political Science and International Relations, Sabanci University, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 34, No. 4 (Oct.-Dec. 2009), pg. 422

Besides the manual Standard Operating Procedures that dictates the minute-to-minute details
AND
the "smooth"  production of homines sacri out of Middle Eastern subjects.

Reject the 1ac’s reformist approach to the prison in favor of imagining the world in which the prison is not an inevitable social coordinate

Rodriguez 10—Professor and Chair of the Department of Ethnic Studies at UC Riverside
(Dylan, "The Disorientation of the Teaching Act: Abolition as Pedagogical Position", Radical Teacher 88 (Summer 2010): 7-19,80, dml)

I have had little trouble "convincing" most students - across distinctions of race
AND
repression of political-intellectual imagination be fought, demystified, and displaced.
Perhaps, then, there is no viable or defensible pedagogical position other than an
AND
sites of learning that are the precondition of authentic and liberatory social transformations.
The prison regime is the institutionalization and systemic expansion of massive human misery. It
AND
society/school, and a material presence in our everyday teaching acts.
As teachers, we are institutionally hailed to the service of genocide management, in
AND
is significantly dependent on our willingness to embrace this form of pedagogical audacity.

The only ethical position is to refuse the sovereign fiction of lines between inside and outside

Edkins and Pin-Fat 05. Jenny Edkins, professor of international politics at Prifysgol Aberystwyth University (in Wales) and Veronique Pin-Fat, senior lecturer in politics at Manchester Universit, "Through the Wire: Relations of Power and Relations of Violence," Millennium - Journal of International Studies 2005 34: pg. 14

One potential form of challenge to sovereign power consists of a refusal to draw any
AND
resist the call to draw any lines of the sort sovereign power demands.
The grammar of sovereign power cannot be resisted by challenging or fighting over where the
AND
Agamben points out, renders us all now homines sacri or bare life.

Refuse attempts to reform the system and doom it to its own nihilistic destruction—we must refuse all conceptual apparatuses of capture—that intellectuals subtraction is crucial

Prozorov 10. Sergei Prozorov, professor of political and economic studies at the University of Helsinki, "Why Giorgio Agamben is an optimist," Philosophy Social Criticism 2010 36: pg. 1065

In a later work, Agamben generalizes this logic and transforms it into a basic
AND
only of (inflict- ing) Death or (doing) Nothing.
On the other hand, this degradation of the apparatuses illuminates the ’inoperosity’ (
AND
beings of pure potentiality that no identity or vocation can possibly exhaust.’34
Having been concealed for centuries by religion or ideology, this originary inoperos- ity is fully unveiled in the contemporary crisis, in which it is manifest in the inoperative character of the biopolitical apparatuses themselves, which succeed only in capturing the sheer existence of their subjects without being capable of transforming it into a positive form-of-life:
~T~oday, it is clear for anyone who is not in absolutely bad faith that there are no longer historical tasks that can be taken on by, or even simply assigned to, men. It was evident start- ing with the end of the First World War that the European nation-states were no longer capa- ble of taking on historical tasks and that peoples themselves were bound to disappear.35
Agamben’s metaphor for this condition is bankruptcy: ’One of the few things that can be
declared with certainty is that all the peoples of Europe (and, perhaps,
AND
in bare life and a bios that is only its own zoe.’37
The ’happy’ form-of-life, a ’life that cannot be
AND
, in which Agamben finds the possi- bility of a happy life.
~If~ instead of continuing to search for a proper identity in the already improper and sense- less form of individuality, humans were to succeed in belonging to this impropriety as such, in making of the proper being-thus not an identity and individual property but a singularity without identity, a common and absolutely exposed singularity, then they would for the first time enter into a community without presuppositions and without subjects.40
Thus, rather than seek to reform the apparatuses, we should simply leave them to their self-destruction and only try to reclaim the bare life that they feed on. This is to be achieved by the practice of subtraction that we address in the following section.

Tournament: harvard | Round: 2 | Opponent: emory js | Judge: mosley-jensen

Rather than playing the role of the policy maker, embrace the role of the suicide bomber and play with the supposedly fixed idealizations of what makes life life and death really death

Mbembe 03. Achille Mbembe, senior researcher at the Institute of Social and Economic Research at the University of the Witwatersrand, "Necropolitics," Public Culture 15(1): pg. 38

How does the notion of play and trickery relate to the "suicide bomber"?
AND
that death occurs here as pure annihilation and nothingness, excess and scandal?
Whether read from the perspective of slavery or of colonial occupation, death and freedom
AND
bones broken; shootings and fatalities—a certain kind of madness.78
In such circumstances, the discipline of life and the necessities of hardship (trial
AND
power. But it is also that space where freedom and negation operate.

The aff’s call for salvation betrays an obsessive drive towards infinity – humanity subjugates itself to a calculative rationality which bleaches the value from life in favor of hollow promises of immortality – vote negative to engage in orgiastic sacrifice of the 1AC – this is critical to reclaiming the transgressive beauty of existence

Biles 11 – teaches on religion, popular culture, and art at DePaul University ~gendered language struck out~
(Jeremy, "The Remains of God: Bataille/Sacri?ce/Community", Culture, Theory and Critique, 52:2-3, 127-144, dml)

Bataille argues that the divide between the sacred and the profane arises in conjunction with
AND
tools, to the world of instrumental utility (Bataille 1993: 218).
The desire for durable – even eternal – existence is thus vouchsafed to instrumental reason
AND
when it lives in immanence’, or continuity (Hollier 1998: 65).
Bataille’s critique of communism devolves on this line of distinction. The positing of the
AND
the species; it attempts to guarantee the future, to secure durability.
The anxious desire for durability corresponds to a demeaning substantialisation of the sacred. According
AND
, put on the plane with all other things’ (1993: 383).
Within Bataille’s thought, then, God is an expression of the fear of death
AND
that will restore sovereignty (Bataille 1988: 88; 1993: 378).
Bataille’s theory of sacri?ce illuminates this point. According to Bataille, the victim of
AND
, destroyed, thus returning those objects to the intimate domain of continuity.
The contagious force of sacri?ce is such that its lethal effects extend from the victim
AND
he undergoes a ?eeting experience of dissolution in the realm of the sacred.

Their model of resistance defeats itself when it mirrors sovereign violence by maintaining bare life as an object of resistance just as it is an object of violence—the only solution is for bare life to become absolutely and immediately political on its own terms

Amoore and Hall 13. Louise Amoore, professor of geography at the University of Durham, and Alexandra Hall, professor of politics at the University of York, "The clown at the gates of the camp: Sovereignty, resistance and the figure of the fool," Security Dialoge 44(2) pg. 95

It is our contention, and following Jenny Edkins’ (2007) subtle reading of
AND
that may also form ’the element that threatens its disruption from within’.
Notwithstanding the important absence of any representable identity in whatever being, ques- tions
AND
but that still persists in the act of declaring unities and drawing distinctions.

Their privileged position within the academy renders them the critical intellectual counterinsurgency, worse than the status quo because the 1ac can be held up as an example of the neutrality of debate, allowing more radical theories to be disregarded as "unprofessional."

Harney and Moten 13.  Stefano Harney, Professor of Strategic Management Education at the Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University and a co-founder of the School for Study and Fred Moten, Helen L. Bevington Professor of Moden Poetry, "Politics Surrounded," The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study, pg. 29

Introducing this labor upon labor, and providing the space for its de- velopment
AND
undercommons, its maroons, are always at war, always in hiding.
The maroons know something about possibility. They are the condi- tion of possibility
AND
critical academic is always at the same time an assertion of bourgeois individualism.
Such negligence is the essence of professionalization where it turns out professionalization is not the
AND
, sends its claim that what is left beyond the critical is waste.
But in fact, critical education only attempts to perfect professional education. The professions
AND
more than an ally of professional education, it is its attempted completion.
A professional education has become a critical education. But one should not applaud this fact. It should be taken for what it is, not pro- gress in the professional schools, not cohabitation with the Univer- sitas, but counterinsurgency, the refounding terrorism of law, coming for the discredited, coming for those who refuse to write off or write up the undercommons.

The 1ac is a standard liberal strategy to abjure all violence, itself an act of violence, that only seeking an ethics of self-sacrifice can resolve

Pugliese 10. Joseph Pugliese, Research Director of the Department of Media, Music, Communication and Cultural Studies at Macquarie University, "Necroethics of Terrorism," Law Critique (2010) 21: pg. 228

It is precisely liberalism’s dogged refusal to acknowledge its investment in these relations of imperial
AND
question of responsibility’ for the disavowed violence of one’s own discourse/practice.
Levinas’ critique of the west’s concept of freedom resonates acutely with the very exercise of
AND
unfolding there, in which he graphically reorients the west’s understanding of freedom:
It was discovered that freedom in this land ~Iraq~ is not ours.
AND
freedom of humiliation. (cited in Danner 2005, p. 26)
Situated in this context, the explosive acts of counter-violence unleashed by the
AND
through regimes of unjust imprisonment, extraordinary renditions, torture and murder.14

Be ready to destroy everything.

Burroughs 88. William S. Burroughs, Western Lands 1988

Scientists always said there is no such thing as a soul. Now they are in a position to prove it. Total Death. Soul Death. It’s what the Egyptians called the Second and Final Death. This awesome power to destroy souls forever is now vested in farsighted and responsible men ~people~ in the State Department, the CIA, and the Pentagon.
Governments fall from sheer indifference. Authority figures, deprived of the vampiric energy they
AND
can leave behind everything they have ever believed in can hope to escape.

Rather than surrendering the war on terror, we surrender our bodies.

Mbembe 06. Achille Mbembe, senior researcher at the Institute of Social and Economic Research at the University of the Witwatersrand, "Faces of Freedom: Jewish and Black Experiences," Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies, 7:3, pg. 296

This inability of western power to reflect critically on itself in relation to the cruelty
AND
? What is the sovereign drive for mastery if not a death drive?
Black imaginations of freedom emerge as a response to this death drive that masks itself
AND
well nigh impossible for the latter to take care of himself or herself.
That is why in many black narratives of freedom, liberty is imagined first and foremost as the recovery of the capacity to once again take care of oneself, a capacity which, in the political parlance of the twentieth century, is defined as ’the right to self-determination’, of which African nationalisms are a manifestation.
But even more important in the calculus of freedom is self-ownership. Indeed
AND
of economic exploitation and the enjoyment of the fruits of one’s own labour.

Tournament: harvard | Round: 4 | Opponent: nu hs | Judge: malsin

Next off is Not Agamben—

Refuse attempts to reform the legal system and doom it to its own nihilistic destruction—we must refuse all conceptual apparatuses of capture

Prozorov 10. Sergei Prozorov, professor of political and economic studies at the University of Helsinki, "Why Giorgio Agamben is an optimist," Philosophy Social Criticism 2010 36: pg. 1065

In a later work, Agamben generalizes this logic and transforms it into a basic
AND
only of (inflict- ing) Death or (doing) Nothing.
On the other hand, this degradation of the apparatuses illuminates the ’inoperosity’ (
AND
beings of pure potentiality that no identity or vocation can possibly exhaust.’34
Having been concealed for centuries by religion or ideology, this originary inoperos- ity is fully unveiled in the contemporary crisis, in which it is manifest in the inoperative character of the biopolitical apparatuses themselves, which succeed only in capturing the sheer existence of their subjects without being capable of transforming it into a positive form-of-life:
~T~oday, it is clear for anyone who is not in absolutely bad faith that there are no longer historical tasks that can be taken on by, or even simply assigned to, men. It was evident start- ing with the end of the First World War that the European nation-states were no longer capa- ble of taking on historical tasks and that peoples themselves were bound to disappear.35
Agamben’s metaphor for this condition is bankruptcy: ’One of the few things that can be
declared with certainty is that all the peoples of Europe (and, perhaps,
AND
in bare life and a bios that is only its own zoe.’37
The ’happy’ form-of-life, a ’life that cannot be
AND
, in which Agamben finds the possi- bility of a happy life.
~If~ instead of continuing to search for a proper identity in the already improper and sense- less form of individuality, humans were to succeed in belonging to this impropriety as such, in making of the proper being-thus not an identity and individual property but a singularity without identity, a common and absolutely exposed singularity, then they would for the first time enter into a community without presuppositions and without subjects.40
Thus, rather than seek to reform the apparatuses, we should simply leave them to their self-destruction and only try to reclaim the bare life that they feed on. This is to be achieved by the practice of subtraction that we address in the following section.

Heg is impossible—the 1AC’s utterance of dominance triggers war and racist lashout

Gulli 13.  Bruno Gulli, professor of history, philosophy, and political science at Kingsborough College in New York, "For the critique of sovereignty and violence," http://academia.edu/2527260/For_the_Critique_of_Sovereignty_and_Violence-http://academia.edu/2527260/For_the_Critique_of_Sovereignty_and_Violence, pg. 5

I think that we have now an understanding of what the situation is: The
AND
excellently incarnated by Africom), they know that they have lost their hegemony.
’Domination without hegemony’ is a phrase that Giovanni Arrighi uses in his study of
AND
hegemony entered what in all likelihood is its terminal crisis." He continues:
Although the United States remains by far the world’s most powerful state, its relationship to the rest of the world is now best described as one of ’domination without hegemony’ (1994/2010: 384).
What can the US do next? Not much, short of brutal dominance.
AND
– in other words, a poetic rather than military and financial shift.

Theirs is a racist project to force the entire earth under the aegis of liberal control or else—wars are waged not in the name of a sovereign’s juridical power, but on behalf of the global liberal body itself

Evans 10. Brad Evans, Lecturer in the School of Politics and International Studies at the University of Leeds and Programme Director for International Relations, "Foucault’s Legacy: Security, War, and Violence in the 21st Century," Security Dialogue vol.41, no. 4, August 2010, pg. 422-424, sage

Imposing liberalism has often come at a price. That price has tended to be
AND
underwrites the violence of contemporary liberal occupations is removed from the analytical arena.

Rather than playing the role of the policy maker, role play the choice of the potential suicide bomber in the detention camp and play with the supposedly fixed idealizations of what makes life life and death really death

Mbembe 03. Achille Mbembe, senior researcher at the Institute of Social and Economic Research at the University of the Witwatersrand, "Necropolitics," Public Culture 15(1): pg. 38

How does the notion of play and trickery relate to the "suicide bomber"?
AND
that death occurs here as pure annihilation and nothingness, excess and scandal?
Whether read from the perspective of slavery or of colonial occupation, death and freedom
AND
bones broken; shootings and fatalities—a certain kind of madness.78
In such circumstances, the discipline of life and the necessities of hardship (trial
AND
power. But it is also that space where freedom and negation operate.

Tournament: gsu | Round: 4 | Opponent: nu hs | Judge: malsin

Detention takes three forms—criminal, preventative, and interrogative—they have to specify which one they target—failure to specify leads to bad advocacy skills and causes misperception that turns the aff

Eppinger 13—Assistant Professor, Saint Louis University School of Law and Department of Sociology and Anthropology
(Monica, and#34;REALITY CHECK: DETENTION IN THE WAR ON TERRORand#34;, 62 Cath. U.L. Rev. 325, Winter 2013, lexis, dml)

Our conceptual vocabulary has not kept pace with experience. Although legal experts, the
AND
actual practice should yield clarity and specificity that will serve future advocacy efforts.