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Page: Lopez-McCabe Neg
Tournament | Round | Opponent | Judge | Cites | Round Report | Open Source | Video | Edit/Delete |
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Kentucky | 1 | Wayne State LM | Blake Hallinan |
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Kentucky | 6 | Dartmouth BP | Lindsay Van Luvanee |
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Kentucky | 3 | Cornell WP | Devon Cooper |
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Kentucky | 7 | Louisville BL | Amber Kelsie |
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UMKC | 1 | Wyoming CB | Phillip DiPiazza |
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UMKC | 3 | Kansas State KM | Jishnu Guha-Majumdar |
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UMKC | 6 | Kansas KS | Juan Garcia-Lugo |
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UMKC | 7 | Texas ST | John Cook |
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Tournament | Round | Report |
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Kentucky | 1 | Opponent: Wayne State LM | Judge: Blake Hallinan 1NC 2NC 1NR 2NR |
Kentucky | 6 | Opponent: Dartmouth BP | Judge: Lindsay Van Luvanee Aff The United States federal government should statutorily preclude the use of United States Armed Forces in military conflict with the Islamic Republic of Iran that is initiated by the United States or others Advantages 1NC 2NC 1NR 2NR |
Kentucky | 3 | Opponent: Cornell WP | Judge: Devon Cooper Aff - Habeas Corpus for Guantanamo |
Kentucky | 7 | Opponent: Louisville BL | Judge: Amber Kelsie 1NC - anthro arguments psychoanalysis bad arguments "model minority" myth bad |
UMKC | 1 | Opponent: Wyoming CB | Judge: Phillip DiPiazza 1AC 1NC 2NC 1NR 2NR |
UMKC | 3 | Opponent: Kansas State KM | Judge: Jishnu Guha-Majumdar 1AC 1NC 2NC 1NR 2NR |
UMKC | 6 | Opponent: Kansas KS | Judge: Juan Garcia-Lugo 1AC 1NC 2NC 1NR 2NR |
UMKC | 7 | Opponent: Texas ST | Judge: John Cook 1AC 1NC 2NC 1NR 2NR |
To modify or delete round reports, edit the associated round.
Entry | Date |
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Round 1 Kentucky - Wayne State LMTournament: Kentucky | Round: 1 | Opponent: Wayne State LM | Judge: Blake Hallinan 1NCKStarting at 6:12 Silence on the human exploitative gaze towards non-humans ensures that anthropocentrism continuesBell, York University department of education, and Russell, Lakehead University associate professor, 2k (Anne C. and Constance L., department of education, York University, Canada, and Canadian Journal of Environmental Education, “Beyond Human, Beyond Words: Anthropocentrism, Critical Pedagogy, and the Poststructuralist Turn,” CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 25, 3 (2000):188–203, http://www.csse-scee.ca/CJE/Articles/FullText/CJE25-3/CJE25-3-bell.pdf, p. 192) We come to critical pedagogy with a background in environmental thought and education. Of Their calls for widespread change fall into the same logic of progress that has resulted in speciesist violence and the destruction of the environment In another sense the ethical demand to respond to historical and present environmental destruction runs Obsession with discourse and narratives is anthropocentric. (scratched from speech, but discourse arg came up in debate it’s so included) The post-human leads to the total triumph of anthropocentrism—this is impacted on the speciesism debate. The neologism metahumanism intentionally conveys a contradiction or tension. By emphasizing metahumanism, I The Alternative is to reject the affirmative’s anthropocentrism. Discursive criticism is necessary to challenge the framework of Anthropocentrism- the domination of the non-human world is maintained through discourse and communal meanings. Case Situated Knowledge rejects IDENTITY as ordering principles – it relies upon a completely constructivist view of the world obscuring MATERIAL OPPRESSION that exists beyond language – Her situated knowledge theory also offers no hope for emancipation away from the social science model Campbell 4 (The Promise of Feminist Reflexivities: Developing Donna Haraway's Project for Feminist Science Studies¶ Kirsten Campbell Hypatia 19.1 (2004) 162-182) In these terms, "situated knowledges" functions as a deconstructive concept because it Haraway cannot successfully break from modern science – her process of emancipation relies upon traditional assumptions of what it means to BE RATIONAL Campbell 4 (Hypatia 19.1 (2004) 162-182The Promise of Feminist Reflexivities: Developing Donna Haraway's Project for Feminist Science Studies¶ Kirsten Campbell) Allessandra Tanesini argues that Haraway's "Situated Knowledges" (1991) is a " Haraway’s conception of the cyborg is a counterproductive trope for understanding oppression – it only reinforces harmful standpoint epistemologies instead of Situated Knowledge that the affirmative seeks – Bartsch 1 (Configurations 9.1 (2001)127-164 Access article in PDF¶ Witnessing the Postmodern Jeremiad: (Mis)Understanding Donna Haraway's Method of Inquiry¶ Ingrid Bartsch University of South Florida¶ Carolyn DiPalma University of South Florida¶ Laura Sells Louisiana State University) "The heuristic value of scientific analogies," rhetorician Kenneth Burke tells us, " Back on the K Their attempt to bind the language of law with the language of war masks the species war at the foundation of the law of war. Their framing of what war is allows for all forms of suffering to continue Kochi 9 “species war: law, violence, and animals”, 353-359 In everyday speech, in the words of the media, politicians, protestors, 2NC Rejecting humanism is the only way to avoid the replication of violence In another sense the ethical demand to respond to historical and present environmental destruction runs Alt SolvesChanging the way we conceive our relationship to nature is critical to revealing the social construction of bodies within discourses of oppression Bell, York University department of education, and Russell, Lakehead University associate professor, 2k (Anne C. and Constance L., department of education, York University, Canada, and Canadian Journal of Environmental Education, “Beyond Human, Beyond Words: Anthropocentrism, Critical Pedagogy, and the Poststructuralist Turn,” CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 25, 3 (2000):188–203, http://www.csse-scee.ca/CJE/Articles/FullText/CJE25-3/CJE25-3-bell.pdf, p. 198-99) So far, however, such queries in critical pedagogy have been limited by their Basing rights on sentience applies rights towards nonhumans Lupisella and Logsdon 97 Steve Gillett has suggested a hybrid view combining homocentrism as applied to terrestrial activity combined Doremus, Winter 2k. Holly, Professor of Law, University of California at Davis, J.D., University of California at Berkeley, Ph.D., Cornell University, “The Rhetoric and Reality of Nature Protection: Toward a New Discourse,” 57 Wash and Lee L. Rev. 11, lexis. JLH Combining aesthetic and ethical arguments with the material discourse does not automatically solve this problem All species have intrinsic value Shepard 3 The diverse voices of leading ecologists and activists inspire us to renew our efforts to This means if we win a link, they lose - The debate is not a question of whether or not they benefit people – it’s about whether or not the 1AC violates the intrinsic value of human and non-human animals Eric Katz, Director of Science, Technology, and Society Program at the New Jersey Institute of Technology, 1997 Utilitarianism might be salvaged for use in the environmental debate if it is stripped of 2NC – Root Cause We control root cause – their impacts are just the extension of anthropocentric logic When taking a wider view of history, one which focuses on the relationship of 1NR The claim that everyone is always already a cyborg is a dangerous form of cultural essentialism that universalizes the western subject and internal link turns all their ethics offense. | 10/5/13 |
Round 1 UMKC - Wyoming CBTournament: UMKC | Round: 1 | Opponent: Wyoming CB | Judge: Phillip DiPiazza 1NCSecurityWar powers policy analysis is plagued with flawed scholarship based on constructed threats to US national security – these threats reify the power of the executive while resulting in endless warfare – questioning the underlying assumptions of the knowledge presented in the 1AC is critical to creating a base for substantive political changeRana, ’11 ~Aziz Rana received his A.B. summa cum laude from Harvard College and his J.D. from Yale Law School. He also earned a Ph.D. in political science at Harvard, where his dissertation was awarded the university’s Charles Sumner Prize. He was an Oscar M. Ruebhausen Fellow in Law at Yale; "Who Decides on Security?"; 8/11/11; Cornell Law Library; http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87/-http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87/~~ Despite such democratic concerns, a large part of what makes today’s dominant security concept Insert specific linksConstructs a cancer of pathological individuals that needs cutting out before they spread.Egan 02 (R. Danielle, Assistant Professor of Sociology at St. Lawrence University, 2002, Collateral Language, ed. Collins and Glover, p. 23 Economic security discourse attempts to violently re-order the world Their representations of the savage terrorist and the "axis of evil" trying to acquire the bomb are reminiscent of the racist civilizational distinctions used throughout history to justify atrocity. Descriptions of China are not neutral or objective – Their strategies are self-fulfilling prophecies that must be critically interrogatedPan 4 (Chengxin, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Arts, Deakin University, Discourses Of ’China’ In International Relations: A Study in Western Theory as (IR) Practice, p. 305-307 The mindset of endless threats is a self-fulfilling prophecy leading to the constant creation of more threatsLipschutz 1998 Security is, to put Wæver’s argument in other words, a socially constructed concept Security discourse sanitizes global destruction by proliferating symptom-focused solutions to power imbalances—-causes cycles of violence that make global warfare and extinction inevitable—adopt the role of a critical intellectual to question the claims of the 1ACAhmed, ’11 ~2011, Dr. Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed is Executive Director of the Institute for Policy Research and Development ~IPRD~, an independent think tank focused on the study of violent conflict, he has taught at the Department of International Relations, University of Sussex "The international relations of crisis and the crisis of international relations: from the securitisation of scarcity to the militarisation of society" Global Change, Peace 26 Security Volume 23, Issue 3, Taylor Francis~ Drone ProlifDrone policy is shrouded in secrecy – debate about targeted killing is impossible because of the lack of transparency – instead of assessing the information selectively leaked by the government, debate must center on the production of knowledge behind drone secrecy.Toth, ’13 ~Kate Toth, London School of Economics, Dissertation; "REMOTE-CONTROLLED WAR: IMPLICATIONS OF THE DISTANCING OF STATE-SPONSORED VIOLENCE ON AMERICAN DEMOCRACY"; Apr 27, 2013; http://www.academia.edu/3125323/REMOTE-CONTROLLED_WAR_IMPLICATIONS_OF_THE_DISTANCING_OF_STATE-SPONSORED_VIOLENCE_ON_AMERICAN_DEMOCRACY~~ With regard to drones, what the public knows has been released through leaks to No Asian war- China creates stabilityCarlson ’13 (Allen Carlson is an Associate Professor in Cornell University’s Government Department. At times in the past few months, China and Japan have appeared almost ready TerrorNo risk of a bioterror attack, and there won’t be retaliation - your evidence is hypeMatishak ’10 (Martin, Global Security Newswire, "U.S. Unlikely to Respond to Biological Threat With Nuclear Strike, Experts Say,", http://www.globalsecuritynewswire.org/gsn/nw_20100429_7133.php-http://www.globalsecuritynewswire.org/gsn/nw_20100429_7133.php, April 29, 2010) WASHINGTON — The United States is not likely to use nuclear force to respond to Economy instability doesn’t affect international securityBarnett ’9 (Thomas P.M. Barnett, senior managing director of Enterra Solutions LLC, "The New Rules: Security Remains Stable Amid Financial Crisis," 8/25/2009, http://www.aprodex.com/the-new-rules—security-remains-stable-amid-financial-crisis-398-bl.aspx) When the global financial crisis struck roughly a year ago, the blogosphere was ablaze Drones have become the technological symbol of disorder – debate about targeted killing must avoid impossible questions of "drones good or bad" that echo the polarization of status quo political discourse – facts alone will never be enough – instead, we must learn from the complexities surrounding drones and apply them to the concerns of so many about personal security.Rothenberg, ’13 ~Daniel Rothenberg is a professor of practice at the School of Politics and Global Studies, ASU and the Lincoln fellow for Ethics and International Human Rights Law. He is editing a book with Peter Bergen on drones to be published later this year. "What the Drone Debate Is Really About"; May 6, 2013; http://www.slate.com/articles/technology/future_tense/2013/05/drones_in_the_united_states_what_the_debate_is_really_about.html-http://www.slate.com/articles/technology/future_tense/2013/05/drones_in_the_united_states_what_the_debate_is_really_about.html~~** The term drone draws attention, elicits passions, and sparks heated discussions. Often 2NCThat genocidal violence creates priming that psychologically structures escalationScheper-Hughes and Bourgois ’4 The status quo disproves the effectiveness of procedural solutions focus – securitization results in a faith in experts centralizes political decision-making while excluding the public Combinations of the alternative and the state result in the cooption of intellectuals into a political, interventionist sphereBISWAS 07 (Shampa, Prof – Politics, Whitman, 2007 "Empire and Global Public Intellectuals: Reading Edward Said as an International Relations Theorist" Millennium 36 (1) While it is no surprise that the US academy should find itself too at that 3. This proves a fundamental inconsistency between the aff the justifications behind the aff – state attempts to seek security impose limits on the publics liberty Studies prove that the more specific forecasts are the less probable they are – causes flawed threat evaluation that results in serial policy failureYudkowsky ’6 Research Fellow at the Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence "Cognitive biases potentially affecting judgment of global risks" Forthcoming in Global Catastrophic Risks, eds. Nick Bostrom and Milan CirkovicDraft of August 31, 2006. Eliezer Yudkowsky(yudkowsky@singinst.org) The conjunction fallacy similarly applies to futurological forecasts. Two independent sets of professional analysts ====No methodological basis for accurate political predictions – their scholarship is co-opted by governmental institutions and obscures the root causes of the case harms - overwhelming empirical evidence votes negative ==== 1NRAT RealismThey don’t access this – the aff is not realist because they utilize a liberal solution through legal institutions – that was cx – their advantages may be realist but their solvency mechanism is not, means they cannot access their advantages because a liberal solu Their realism defenses are epistemologically bankrupt – they naturalize political assumptions to legitimize violence and oppressive political structures – Their method causes self-fulfilling prophesies – the alt is key to reclaim agency from inevitable violenceBusser 6 (Mark Busser, Masters Candidate at the Dept of Political Science at York University. Aug 2006, "The Evolution of Security: Revisiting the Human Nature Debate in International Relations ", http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP40-Busser.pdf-http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP40-Busser.pdf) AT DiscourseNot a discourse K – This is about the 1ACs knowledge production not about the effects that discourse have on participants in the debate round– the way they choose to assemble and frame the 1AC compromises the political action of the plan –– that’s Scrase and OckwellRhetoric matters – it constrains our perception of problems and solutionsDoremus 0 (Holly Doremus is Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley, and co-faculty director of the California Center for Environmental Law and Policy "The Rhetoric and Reality of Nature Protection:Toward a New Discourse" 1-1-2000scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=131126context=wlulr) EpistOn flow ChinaNo Asian war- economic and regional cooperationBitzinger 26 Desker 8 – senior fellow and dean of S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies respectively (Richard A. Bitzinger, Barry Desker, "Why East Asian War is Unlikely," Survival, December 2008, http://pdfserve.informaworld.com-/678328_731200556_906256449.pdf) The Asia-Pacific region can be regarded as a zone of both relative insecurity More warrants-Interdependence and democracyVannarith 10—Executive Director of the Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace. PhD in Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific U (Chheang, Asia Pacific Security Issues: Challenges and Adaptive Mechanism, http://www.cicp.org.kh/download/CICP20Policy20brief/CICP20Policy20brief20No203.pdf) Large scale interstate war or armed conflict is unthinkable in the region due to the Resilient regional cooperationAlagappa 8 (Muthia, Distinguished Fellow @ Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy @ Tufts, "The Long Shadow," International Affairs p. 512) International political interaction among Asian states is for the most part rule governed, predictable Terror RepsBioterrorism draws divisions between the civilized US and the uncivilized outside world More specifically in relation to bioterror, there has been an amplification of threat perception No extinction - history provesEasterbrook ’3 (Gregg, Senior Fellow – New Republic, "We’re All Gonna Die21", Wired Magazine, July, http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/11.07/doomsday.html?pg=126topic=26topic_set=) 3. Germ warfare21Like chemical agents, biological weapons have never lived up Their evidence is exaggeratedLeitenberg ’5 (Milton, Senior Research Scholar @ University of Maryland, "ASSESSING THE BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS AND BIOTERRORISM THREAT," December 2005) Framing "the threat" and setting the agenda of public perceptions and policy prescriptions TradeZero risk of trade war- the concept isn’t realAlden ’12 (Edward, Bernard L. Schwartz senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), specializing in U.S. economic competitiveness "What Exactly Is a "Trade War"? Time to Abolish a Silly Notion," http://blogs.cfr.org/renewing-america/2012/10/23/what-exactly-is-a-trade-war-time-to-abolish-a-silly-notion/, October 23, 2012) I have a suggestion for everyone who writes about international trade: it is time Econ AT RoyalRoyal is wrong – No rally-around-the-flat effect- political suicide for leadersBoehmer ’2 (Charles Boehmer, Ph.D. in Political Science @ Penn. State University, Department of Political Science, Aassistant professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Texas at El Paso, "Domestic Crisis and Interstate Conflict: The Impact of Economic Crisis, Domestic Discord, and State Efficacy on the Decision to Initiate Interstate Conflict", http://isanet.ccit.arizona.edu/noarchive/boehmer.html-http://isanet.ccit.arizona.edu/noarchive/boehmer.html, March 24, 2002) | 9/15/13 |
Round 3 Kentucky - Cornell WPTournament: Kentucky | Round: 3 | Opponent: Cornell WP | Judge: Devon Cooper 1NC1NCSilence on the human exploitative gaze towards non-humans ensures that anthropocentrism continuesBell, York University department of education, and Russell, Lakehead University associate professor, 2k (Anne C. and Constance L., department of education, York University, Canada, and Canadian Journal of Environmental Education, "Beyond Human, Beyond Words: Anthropocentrism, Critical Pedagogy, and the Poststructuralist Turn," CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 25, 3 (2000):188–203, http://www.csse-scee.ca/CJE/Articles/FullText/CJE25-3/CJE25-3-bell.pdf, p. 192) We come to critical pedagogy with a background in environmental thought and education. Of The topic is demonstrative of this – their attempt to bind the language of law with the language of war masks the species war at the foundation of the law of war. Their framing of what war is allows for all forms of suffering to continueKochi 9 "species war: law, violence, and animals", 353-359 In everyday speech, in the words of the media, politicians, protestors, Anthropocentrism sets up the binary to cause extinctionTrenell, 2006 The Alternative is to reject the affirmative’s anthropocentrism.Discursive criticism is necessary to challenge the framework of Anthropocentrism- the domination of the non-human world is maintained through discourse and communal meanings.Turner 09 CaseThe plan’s legal solutions merely mask sovereign power and legitimatize exclusionKohn, 6 — University of Florida political science assistant professor Giorgio Agamben is best known for his provocative suggestion that the concentration camp – the Due process rights claims are easily overridden and legitimate the biopolitical orderParry, 5 — University of Pittsburgh law professor What, then, about individual rights-based resistance to biopolitics? For several Aff’s definition of "person will be circumvented" – the law is not enough – their Gregory evidence establishes that lawful solutions are embedded within Eurocentric power structures that only demand even more power, means the supreme court will redefine those detained to "enemy combatants" and get around it. Legal restraints legitimizes violence and enables the state to move targets outside the zone of law- allows killing with impunity, turns the case because the policies that get modeled are worse than the squo only the alt can remedyPugliese, 13 — Macquarie University Cultural Studies professor In examining the violence of useless suffering in the context of the genocides of the Discursive archeology re-entrenches domination- empirics proveHernando ’13 ~Dr. Almudena Hernando Gonzalo, Associate Professor at the Department of Prehistory of the Complutense University of Madrid, her work focuses on archeological theory, "Change, individuality and reason, or how Archaeology has legitimized a patriarchal modernity," http://www.academia.edu/3984983/Change_individuality_and_reason_or_how_archaeology_has_legitimized_a_patriarchal_modernity._In_A._Gonzalez-Ruibal_ed._Reclaiming_Archaeology._Beyond_the_tropes_of_Modernity._Routledge_London_pp._155-67._2013-http://www.academia.edu/3984983/Change_individuality_and_reason_or_how_archaeology_has_legitimized_a_patriarchal_modernity._In_A._Gonzalez-Ruibal_ed._Reclaiming_Archaeology._Beyond_the_tropes_of_Modernity._Routledge_London_pp._155-67._2013~~ In terms of legitimation procedures, archaeology as a discourse was actually not much different Discursive archaeology fails- we’ll re-embrace old methodsCalvert-Minor ’10 ~Chris, PhD, Associate Professor of Philosophy¶ Department of Philosophy 26 Religious Studies¶ University of Wisconsin-Whitewater, "Archeology and Humanism: An Incongruent Foucault," June, http://www.kritike.org/journal/issue_7/calvert-minor_june2010.pdf-http://www.kritike.org/journal/issue_7/calvert-minor_june2010.pdf~~ To engage in the act of trying to imagine an unperceived object is ¶ already 2NCWe control root cause – their impacts are just the extension of anthropocentric logicKochi, Queen’s University School of Law lecturer, and Ordan, linguist, 08 (Tarik and Noam, Borderlands Volume 7 Number 3, 2008, "An Argument for the Global Suicide of Humanity,") When taking a wider view of history, one which focuses on the relationship of Anthro K linkTheir calls for widespread change fall into the same logic of progress that has resulted in speciesist violence and the destruction of the environmentKochi, Queen’s University School of Law lecturer, and Ordan, linguist, 08 (Tarik and Noam, Borderlands Volume 7 Number 3, 2008, "An Argument for the Global Suicide of Humanity,") In another sense the ethical demand to respond to historical and present environmental destruction runs 2NC – Ethics ImpactAll species have intrinsic valueShepard 3 The diverse voices of leading ecologists and activists inspire us to renew our efforts to This means if we win a link, they lose - The debate is not a question of whether or not they benefit people – it’s about whether or not the 1AC violates the intrinsic value of human and non-human animalsEric Katz, Director of Science, Technology, and Society Program at the New Jersey Institute of Technology, 1997 Utilitarianism might be salvaged for use in the environmental debate if it is stripped of The permutation devolves into self-serving rationalizations—ethical compromises are unacceptable. Lupisella 26 Logsdon 97 Steve Gillett has suggested a hybrid view combining homocentrism as applied to terrestrial activity combined 2NC – AlternativeChanging the way we conceive our relationship to nature is critical to revealing the social construction of bodies within discourses of oppressionBell, York University department of education, and Russell, Lakehead University associate professor, 2k (Anne C. and Constance L., department of education, York University, Canada, and Canadian Journal of Environmental Education, "Beyond Human, Beyond Words: Anthropocentrism, Critical Pedagogy, and the Poststructuralist Turn," CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 25, 3 (2000):188–203, http://www.csse-scee.ca/CJE/Articles/FullText/CJE25-3/CJE25-3-bell.pdf, p. 198-99) So far, however, such queries in critical pedagogy have been limited by their | 10/6/13 |
Round 3 UMKC - K-State KMTournament: UMKC | Round: 3 | Opponent: Kansas State KM | Judge: Jishnu Guha-Majumdar Round 3 K State KM1NC1NC====War powers policy analysis is plagued with flawed scholarship based on constructed threats to US national security – these threats reify the power of the executive while resulting in endless warfare – questioning the underlying assumptions of the knowledge presented in the 1AC is critical to creating a base for substantive political change==== Despite such democratic concerns, a large part of what makes today’s dominant security concept ====Economic security discourse attempts to violently re-order the world==== ====Soft power is a euphemism for hegemonic coercion ==== ====The mindset of endless threats is a self-fulfilling prophecy leading to the constant creation of more threats==== Security is, to put Wæver’s argument in other words, a socially constructed concept ====Security discourse sanitizes global destruction by proliferating symptom-focused solutions to power imbalances—-causes cycles of violence that make global warfare and extinction inevitable—adopt the role of a critical intellectual to question the claims of the 1AC ==== This analysis thus calls for a broader approach to environmental security based on retrieving the manner in which political actors construct discourses of ’scarcity’ in response to ecological, energy and economic crises ~critical security studies~ in the context of the historically-speci?c socio-political and geopolitical relations of domination by which their power is constituted, and which are often implicated in the acceleration of these very crises ~historical sociology and historical materialism~. Instead, both realist and liberal orthodox IR approaches focus on different aspects of interstate behaviour, con?ictual and cooperative respectively, but each lacks the capacity to grasp that the unsustainable trajectory of state and inter-state behaviour is only explicable in the context of a wider global system concurrently over-exploiting the biophysical environment in which it is embedded. They are, in other words, unable to addressthe relationship of the inter-state system itself to the biophysical environment as a key analytical category for understanding the acceleration of global crises. They simultaneously therefore cannot recognise the embeddedness of the economy in society and the concomitant politically-constituted nature of economics.84 Hence, they neglect the profound irrationality of collective state behaviour, which systematically erodes this relationship, globalising insecurity on a massive scale – in the very process of seeking security.85 In Cox’s words, because positivist IR theory ’does not question the present order ~it instead~ has the effect of legitimising and reifying it’. 86 Orthodox IR sanitises globally-destructive collective inter-state behaviour as a normal function of instrumental reason – thus rationalising what are clearly deeply irrational collective human actions that threaten to permanently erode state power and security by destroying the very conditions of human existence. Indeed, the prevalence of orthodox IR as a body of disciplinary beliefs, norms and prescriptions organically conjoined with actual policy-making in the international system highlights the extent to which both realism and liberalism are ideologically implicated in the acceleration of global systemic crises.87 By the same token, the incapacity to recognise and critically interrogate how prevailing social, political and economic structures are driving global crisis acceleration has led to the proliferation of symptom-led solutions focused on the expansion of state/regime military–political power rather than any attempt to transform root structural causes.88 It is in this context that, as the prospects for meaningful reform through inter-state cooperation appear increasingly nulli?ed under the pressure of actors with a vested interest in sustaining prevailing geopolitical and economic structures, states have resorted progressively more to militarised responses designed to protect the concurrent structure of the international system from dangerous new threats. In effect, the failure of orthodox approaches to accurately diagnose global crises, directly accentuates a tendency to ’securitise’them– and this, ironically, fuels the proliferation of violent con?ict and militarisation responsible for magni?ed global insecurity. ’Securitisation’ refers to a ’speech act’ – an act of labelling – whereby political authorities identify particular issues or incidents as an existential threat which, because of their extreme nature, justify going beyond the normal security measures that are within the rule of law. It thus legitimises resort to special extra-legal powers. By labelling issues a matter of ’security’, therefore, states are able to move them outside the remit of democratic decision-making and into the realm of emergency powers, all in the name of survival itself. Far from representing a mere aberration from democratic state practice, this discloses a deeper ’dual’ structure of the state in its institutionalisation of the capacity to mobilise extraordinary extra-legal military– police measures in purported response to an existential danger.89 The problem in the context of global ecological, economic and energy crises is that such levels of emergency mobilisation and militarisation have no positive impact on the very global crises generating ’new security challenges’, and are thus entirely disproportionate.90 All that remains to examine is on the ’surface’ of the international system ~geopolitical competition, the balance of power, international regimes, globalisation and so on~, phenomena which are dislocated from their structural causes by way of being unable to recognise the biophysically-embedded and politically-constituted social relations of which they are comprised. The consequence is that orthodox IR has no means of responding to global systemic crises other than to reduce them to their symptoms. Indeed, orthodox IR theory has largely responded to global systemic crises not with new theory, but with the expanded application of existing theory to ’new security challenges’ such as ’low-intensity’ intra-state con?icts; inequality and poverty; environmental degradation; international criminal activities including drugs and arms traf?cking; proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; and international terrorism.91 Although the majority of such ’new security challenges’ are non-military in origin – whether their referents are states or individuals – the inadequacy of systemic theoretical frameworks to diagnose them means they are primarily examined through the lenses of military-political power.92 In other words, the escalation of global ecological, energy and economic crises is recognised not as evidence that the current organisation of the global political economy is fundamentally unsustainable, requiring urgent transformation, but as vindicating the necessity for states to radicalise the exertion of their military–political capacities to maintain existing power structures, to keep the lid on.93 Global crises are thus viewed as amplifying factors that could mobilise the popular will in ways that challenge existing political and economic structures, which it is presumed ~given that state power itself is constituted by these structures~ deserve protection. This justi?es the state’s adoption of extra-legal measures outside the normal sphere of democratic politics. In the context of global crisis impacts, this counter-democratic trend-line can result in a growing propensity to problematise potentially recalcitrant populations – rationalising violence toward them as a control mechanism. 3.2 From theory to policy Consequently, for the most part, the policy implications of orthodox IR approaches involve a redundant conceptualisation of global systemic crises purely as potential ’threat-multipliers’ of traditional security issues such as ’political instability around the world, the collapse of governments and the creation of terrorist safe havens’. Climate change will serve to amplify the threat of international terrorism, particularly in regions with large populations and scarce resources.94 The US Army, for instance, depicts climate change as a ’stress-multiplier’ that will ’exacerbate tensions’ and ’complicate American foreign policy’; while the EU perceives it as a ’threat-multiplier which exacerbates existing trends, tensions and instability’. 95 In practice, this generates an excessive preoccupation not with the causes of global crisis acceleration and how to ameliorate them through structural transformation, but with their purportedly inevitable impacts, and how to prepare for them by controlling problematic populations. Paradoxically, this ’securitisation’ of global crises does not render us safer. Instead, by necessitating more violence, while inhibiting preventive action, it guarantees greater insecurity. Thus, a recent US Department of Defense report explores the future of international con?ict up to 2050. It warns of ’resource competition induced by growing populations and expanding economies’, particularly due to a projected ’youth bulge’ in the South, which ’will consume ever increasing amounts of food, water and energy’. This will prompt a ’return to traditional security threats posed by emerging near-peers as we compete globally for depleting natural resources and overseas markets’. Finally, climate change will ’compound’ these stressors by generating humanitarian crises, population migrations and other complex emergencies.96 A similar study by the US Joint Forces Command draws attention to the danger of global energy depletion through to 2030. Warning of ’the dangerous vulnerabilities the growing energy crisis presents’, the report concludes that ’The implications for future con?ict are ominous.’ 97 Once again, the subject turns to demographics: ’In total, the world will add approximately 60 million people each year and reach a total of 8 billion by the 2030s’, 95 per cent accruing to developing countries, while populations in developed countries slow or decline. ’Regions such as the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa, where the youth bulge will reach over 50 of the population, will possess fewer inhibitions about engaging in con?ict.’ 98 The assumption is that regions which happen to be both energy-rich and Muslim-majority will also be sites of violent con?ict due to their rapidly growing populations. A British Ministry of Defence report concurs with this assessment, highlighting an inevitable ’youth bulge’ by 2035, with some 87 per cent of all people under the age of 25 inhabiting developing countries. In particular, the Middle East population will increase by 132 per cent and sub-Saharan Africa by 81 per cent. Growing resentment due to ’endemic unemployment’ will be channelled through ’political militancy, including radical political Islam whose concept of Umma, the global Islamic community, and resistance to capitalism may lie uneasily in an international system based on nation-states and global market forces’. More strangely, predicting an intensifying global divide between a super-rich elite, the middle classes and an urban under-class, the report warns: ’The world’s middle classes might unite, using access to knowledge, resources and skills to shape transnational processes in their own class interest.’ 99 3.3 Exclusionary logics of global crisis securitisation? Thus, the securitisation of global crisis leads not only to the problematisation of particular religious and ethnic groups in foreign regions of geopolitical interest, but potentially extends this problematisation to any social group which might challenge prevailing global political economic structures across racial, national and class lines. The previous examples illustrate how securitisation paradoxically generates insecurity by reifying a process of militarisation against social groups that are constructed as external to the prevailing geopolitical and economic order. In other words, the internal reductionism, fragmentation and compartmentalisation that plagues orthodox theory and policy reproduces precisely these characteristics by externalising global crises from one another, externalising states from one another, externalising the inter-state system from its biophysical environment, and externalising new social groups as dangerous ’outsiders’. Hence, a simple discursive analysis of state militarisation and the construction of new ’outsider’ identities is insuf?cient to understand the causal dynamics driving the process of ’Otherisation’. As Doug Stokes points out, the Western state preoccupation with the ongoing military struggle against international terrorism reveals an underlying ’discursive complex’, where representations about terrorism and non-Western populations are premised on ’the construction of stark boundaries’ that ’operate to exclude and include’. Yet these exclusionary discourses are ’intimately bound up with political and economic processes’, such as strategic interests in proliferating military bases in the Middle East, economic interests in control of oil, and the wider political goal of ’maintaining American hegemony’ by dominating a resource-rich region critical for global capitalism.100 But even this does not go far enough, for arguably the construction of certain hegemonic discourses is mutually constituted by these geopolitical, strategic and economic interests – exclusionary discourses are politically constituted. New conceptual developments in genocide studies throw further light on this in terms of the concrete socio-political dynamics of securitisation processes. It is now widely recognised, for instance, that the distinguishing criterion of genocide is not the pre-existence of primordial groups, one of which destroys the other on the basis of a preeminence in bureaucratic military–political power. Rather, genocide is the intentional attempt to destroy a particular social group that has been socially constructed as different. 101 As Hinton observes, genocides precisely constitute a process of’othering’in which an imagined community becomes reshaped so that previously ’included’ groups become ’ideologically recast’ and dehumanised as threatening and dangerous outsiders, be it along ethnic, religious, political or economic lines – eventually legitimising their annihilation.102 In other words, genocidal violence is inherently rooted in a prior and ongoing ideological process, whereby exclusionary group categories are innovated, constructed and ’Otherised’ in accordance with a speci?c socio-political programme. The very process of identifying and classifying particular groups as outside the boundaries of an imagined community of ’inclusion’, justifying exculpatory violence toward them, is itself a political act without which genocide would be impossible.103 This recalls Lemkin’s recognition that the intention to destroy a group is integrally connected with a wider socio-political project – or colonial project – designed to perpetuate the political, economic, cultural and ideological relations of the perpetrators in the place of that of the victims, by interrupting or eradicating their means of social reproduction. Only by interrogating the dynamic and origins of this programme to uncover the social relations from which that programme derives can the emergence of genocidal intent become explicable.104 Building on this insight, Semelin demonstrates that the process of exclusionary social group construction invariably derives from political processes emerging from deep-seated sociopolitical crises that undermine the prevailing framework of civil order and social norms; and which can, for one social group, be seemingly resolved by projecting anxieties onto a new ’outsider’ group deemed to be somehow responsible for crisis conditions. It is in this context that various forms of mass violence, which may or may not eventually culminate in actual genocide, can become legitimised as contributing to the resolution of crises.105 This does not imply that the securitisation of global crises by Western defence agencies is genocidal. Rather, the same essential dynamics of social polarisation and exclusionary group identity formation evident in genocides are highly relevant in understanding the radicalisation processes behind mass violence. This highlights the fundamental connection between social crisis, the breakdown of prevailing norms, the formation of new exclusionary group identities, and the projection of blame for crisis onto a newly constructed ’outsider’ group vindicating various forms of violence. Conclusions While recommendations to shift our frame of orientation away from conventional state-centrism toward a ’human security’ approach are valid, this cannot be achieved without confronting the deeper theoretical assumptions underlying conventional approaches to ’non-traditional’ security issues.106 By occluding the structural origin and systemic dynamic of global ecological, energy and economic crises, orthodox approaches are incapable of transforming them. Coupled with their excessive state-centrism, this means they operate largely at the level of ’surface’ impacts of global crises in terms of how they will affect quite traditional security issues relative to sustaining state integrity, such as international terrorism, violent con?ict and population movements. Global crises end up fuelling the projection of risk onto social networks, groups and countries that cross the geopolitical fault-lines of these ’surface’ impacts – which happen to intersect largely with Muslim communities. Hence, regions particularly vulnerable to climate change impacts, containing large repositories of hydrocarbon energy resources, or subject to demographic transformations in the context of rising population pressures, have become the focus of state security planning in the context of counter-terrorism operations abroad. The intensifying problematisation and externalisation of Muslim-majority regions and populations by Western security agencies – as a discourse – is therefore not only interwoven with growing state perceptions of global crisis acceleration, but driven ultimately by an epistemological failure to interrogate the systemic causes of this acceleration in collective state policies ~which themselves occur in the context of particular social, political and economic structures~. This expansion of militarisation is thus coeval with the subliminal normative presumption that the social relations of the perpetrators, in this case Western states, must be protected and perpetuated at any cost – precisely because the ef?cacy of the prevailing geopolitical and economic order is ideologically beyond question. As much as this analysis highlights a direct link between global systemic crises, social polarisation and state militarisation, it fundamentally undermines the idea of a symbiotic link between natural resources and con?ict per se. Neither ’resource shortages’ nor ’resource abundance’ ~in ecological, energy, food and monetary terms~ necessitate con?ict by themselves. There are two key operative factors that determine whether either condition could lead to con- ?ict. The ?rst is the extent to which either condition can generate socio-political crises that challenge or undermine the prevailing order. The second is the way in which stakeholder actors choose to actually respond to the latter crises. To understand these factors accurately requires close attention to the political, economic and ideological strictures of resource exploitation, consumption and distribution between different social groups and classes. Overlooking the systematic causes of social crisis leads to a heightened tendency to problematise its symptoms, in the forms of challenges from particular social groups. This can lead to externalisation of those groups, and the legitimisation of violence towards them. Ultimately, this systems approach to global crises strongly suggests that conventional policy ’reform’ is woefully inadequate. Global warming and energy depletion are manifestations of a civilisation which is in overshoot. The current scale and organisation of human activities is breaching the limits of the wider environmental and natural resource systems in which industrial civilisation is embedded. This breach is now increasingly visible in the form of two interlinked crises in global food production and the global ?nancial system. In short, industrial civilisation in its current form is unsustainable. This calls for a process of wholesale civilisational transition to adapt to the inevitable arrival of the post-carbon era through social, political and economic transformation. Yet conventional theoretical and policy approaches fail to ~1~ fully engage with the gravity of research in the natural sciences and ~2~ translate the social science implications of this research in terms of the embeddedness of human social systems in natural systems. Hence, lacking capacity for epistemological self-re?ection and inhibiting the transformative responses urgently required, they reify and normalise mass violence against diverse ’Others’, newly constructed as traditional security threats enormously ampli?ed by global crises – a process that guarantees the intensi?cation and globalisation of insecurity on the road to ecological, energy and economic catastrophe. Such an outcome, of course, is not inevitable, but extensive new transdisciplinary research in IR and the wider social sciences – drawing on and integrating human and critical security studies, political ecology, historical sociology and historical materialism, while engaging directly with developments in the natural sciences – is urgently required to develop coherent conceptual frameworks which could inform more sober, effective, and joined-up policy-making on these issues.Retaliation====No accidental launch==== Is there a realistic chance that we could have a nuclear war by accident? ====Soft power is a gimmick- only based on GDP not credibility==== The recent nose-thumbing at Russia and China by Professor Joseph Nye in Foreign Authority====Their heg authors are ethnocentric – two reasons ==== ====A- Heg causes more conflict than it solves- historical data proves==== As with other realist claims, there are reasons for skepticism about the peace through ====B-Heg causes colonialist conflicts that turn any reason heg is good==== But there is a more serious challenge to the preponderance thesis. From the end ====Maintaining hegemony accelerates paranoid imperial violence – their obsession manufactures threats and conceals the US’ role in enemy construction – the alternative makes visible power relationships that enable endless warfare ==== ====Economic predictions impossible – small errors can wreck fore-casts ==== Security fears of disease cause emergency measures that are counterproductive at the domestic level and undermine critical international cooperation Most infectious diseases do not attract heightened political attention because their effects are mild, Technological solutions to global warming only ensure further environmental destruction and are destined to fail 2NCFiat is illusory- no coherent reason why simulating the case is good at best the judge too default to what he has control over- the discourse in this round. Combinations of the alternative and the state result in the cooption of intellectuals into a political, interventionist sphereBISWAS 07 (Shampa, Prof – Politics, Whitman, 2007 "Empire and Global Public Intellectuals: Reading Edward Said as an International Relations Theorist" Millennium 36 (1) While it is no surprise that the US academy should find itself too at that Especially in the context of the apocalypseMasco 08 (Joseph, ""Survival Is Your Business": Engineering Ruins and Affect in Nuclear America" Cultural Anthropology, May 2008. Vol. 23, Issue 2) The Bush administration, in other words, mobilized a well-established logic Studies prove that the more specific forecasts are the less probable they are – causes flawed threat evaluation that results in serial policy failureYudkowsky ’6 Research Fellow at the Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence "Cognitive biases potentially affecting judgment of global risks" Forthcoming in Global Catastrophic Risks, eds. Nick Bostrom and Milan CirkovicDraft of August 31, 2006. Eliezer Yudkowsky(yudkowsky@singinst.org) The conjunction fallacy similarly applies to futurological forecasts. Two independent sets of professional analysts That genocidal violence creates priming that psychologically structures escalationScheper-Hughes and Bourgois ’4 1NRThe theory of deterrence is wrong- they ignore cognative bias and relative perspectives- empirical examples like Pearl Harbor prove miscalculation Deterrence is back. Although the Cold War concept lost its centrality in security policy Economic crisis rhetoric causes a self-fulfilling prophecy – rhetoric and framing circumscribes the possibilities for political actionHanan 10 (Joshua Stanley, PHD communication studies, professor of communication at Temple University ("Managing the Meltdown Rhetorically: Economic Imaginaries and the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008" dissertation The University of Texas at Austin) The rhetoric of "soft power" is a discursive move to insulate US Hegemony from criticism and obfuscates the fact that the ontological impulse is fundamentally the same as neoconservative calls for global dominance | 9/15/13 |
Round 6 Kentucky - Dartmouth BPTournament: Kentucky | Round: 6 | Opponent: Dartmouth BP | Judge: Lindsay Van Luvanee 1NC1NC ====War powers policy analysis is plagued with flawed scholarship based on constructed threats to US national security – these threats reify the power of the executive while resulting in endless warfare – questioning the underlying assumptions of the knowledge presented in the 1AC is critical to creating a base for substantive political change==== Despite such democratic concerns, a large part of what makes today’s dominant security concept Describing Iran as a security threat crowds out discussions on root causes of conflict and cause self-fulfilling propheciesLimbert 12 (John, "We Need to Talk to Iran, But How? Thirty-two years of sanctions and bluster haven’t worked. It’s time to try something different) ====Security discourse sanitizes global destruction by proliferating symptom-focused solutions to power imbalances—-causes cycles of violence that make extinction and war power abuses inevitable ==== This analysis thus calls for a broader approach to environmental security based on retrieving the Reject the 1AC – focusing on knowledge production is critical to changing power relationshipsNeocleous 08 (Mark Neocleous is a Professor of the Critique of Political Economy at Brunel University London, "Critique of Security", 2008, p. 160-86) In a letter of 3 August 1931, written from his fascist prison cell,¶ 1NC ====Interpretation – ==== ====Armed forces only includes United States troops – explicitly excludes weapons systems==== ====- Hostilities require troops==== ====Violation – the affirmative prevents the introduction of a type of weapon into the battlefield which doesn’t quality as armed forces or hostilities. ==== ====Prefer our interp – limits outweigh they blow the lid off the resolution allowing hundreds of small weapons affs and affs that restrict parts of the nuclear triad. They crush negative ground by removing generic links to core topic DAs. The aff would always get more specific link turns to topic DAs and mechanism counter-plans. ==== Strikes ====No Iran Strikes – Washington pressure, public backlash==== Herbert Krosney, an American-Israeli analyst and the author of a book about ====No Israeli attack- we cite research- just blustering==== The radio superhero The Shadow had the power to "cloud men’s minds." But
Prolif UNFOUNDED FEARS One reason the danger of a nuclear Iran has been grossly exaggerated is ====No Middle East prolif ==== President Obama has stated that Iranian acquisition of a nuclear weapon will spark an arms ====Iran is restrained by new leaders- costly signals prove==== By all indications, Iran’s new president wants a deal with the United States on ====Long timeframe and no iran prolif – no hard evidence of prolif, no capability, IAEA detection==== Kroenig argues that there is an urgent need to attack Iran’s nuclear infrastructure soon, Proxy ====No proxy wars - leaders weak==== Underlying this anxiety was a scenario in which Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic violence spills over 2NC
Impact Calc/AT: Extinction Outweighs That genocidal violence creates priming that psychologically structures escalationScheper-Hughes and Bourgois ’4 —-Confronting the threat of iran strikes implicitly maintains sovereign violence. The plan displays American benevolence while reifying the state of exception that makes the extermination of populations possible. Cooption DA Combinations of the alternative and the state result in the cooption of intellectuals into a political, interventionist sphere While it is no surprise that the US academy should find itself too at that Nuclear fear is mobilized to preemptively intervene in countries – causes 1NC impacts and turns the case Risk Calc Bad Risk calculus causes endless threatsBachrach 13 (Theodore Bachrach works for a non profit organization and has worked in the UK Parliament, International Security Observer, "The Rise of Risk in International Security Policy", http://securityobserver.org/the-rise-of-risk-in-international-security-policy/, April 24, 2013) Risk is the defining feature of modern society. Citizens today are risk averse and Threats are inflated and violence by the US is downplayed – history flows negHerman 03 ( Edward S. Herman is an economist, author, media analyst, and a regular contributor to Z since 1988. Z Magazine, "Threat Inflation Going after hapless countries", http://www.zcommunications.org/threat-inflation-going-after-hapless-countries-by-edward-herman.html, March 2003) One of the most striking features of the working of the U.S. Yudkowsky ’6 Research Fellow at the Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence "Cognitive biases potentially affecting judgment of global risks" Forthcoming in Global Catastrophic Risks, eds. Nick Bostrom and Milan CirkovicDraft of August 31, 2006. Eliezer Yudkowsky(yudkowsky@singinst.org) The conjunction fallacy similarly applies to futurological forecasts. Two independent sets of professional analysts Epistemology focus is good
Various ’’social studies’’ of science take these insights down to the level of the AT: No Root Cause Not responsive – we’ve not saying that energy production is the root cause of all impacts – we’re saying their knowledge production is circular and insolates a privileged view of policy making – their discourse becomes hegemonic and crowds out alternative viewpointsHegemonic forms of knowledge is the biggest internal link to global violenceBurke 7 (Anthony, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations at UNSW, Sydney, "Ontologies of War: Violence, Existence and Reason", Theory and Event, 10.2, Muse) 1NR==K== ====Discourse first – speech acts that legitimize security create the only scenario for extinction==== ==Strikes== Discourse on Israeli strikes create a militarized atmosphere that prevent even the possibility of diplomacyParsi 9, Trita(Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies). "Netanyahu and Threat of Bombing Iran — The Bluff that Never Stops Giving?-http://www.huffingtonpost.com/trita-parsi/netanyahu-and-threat-of-b_b_183822.html" April 8 2009. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/trita-parsi/netanyahu-and-threat-of-b_b_183822.html accessed August 24-http://www.huffingtonpost.com/trita-parsi/netanyahu-and-threat-of-b_b_183822.html accessed August 24, 2009. Yet, the threat of military action, or rather the bluff, serves a Racism DA Policy regarding Iran and the middle east as threats is warped by securitization- ensures violence and stereotype replication.Izadi ’7 (Foad Izadi 26 Hakimeh Saghaye-Biria, @ LSU Baton Rouge, ’7 ~Journal of Communication Inquiry 31.2, "A Discourse Analysis of Elite merican Newspaper Editorials," p. sage~ U.S. policy makers and strategists have repeatedly stressed Iran’s important geopolitical and Racism must be rejected in EVERY INSTANCE without surcease – prerequisite to morality. Prolif====Proliferation discourse relies on racist, ideological machinery that distorts effective nuclear policy and results in the purging of dangerous, otherness==== Proxy====Their Orientalist security rhetoric constructs the Middle East according to US interests – causes conflict.==== | 10/6/13 |
Round 6 UMKC - Kansas KSTournament: UMKC | Round: 6 | Opponent: Kansas KS | Judge: Juan Garcia-Lugo 1NCAnthro====The affirmative’s purposeful choice of silence on animals maintains the human exploitative gaze towards non-humans ensures that anthropocentrism continues – this is not a question of can they make a bind, but a question of starting points – the 1AC is a starting point that can’t be taken back.==== We come to critical pedagogy with a background in environmental thought and education. Of ====The topic is demonstrative of this – their attempt to bind the language of law with the language of war masks the species war at the foundation of the law of war. Their framing of what war is allows for all forms of suffering to continue==== In everyday speech, in the words of the media, politicians, protestors, The political is already ceded—investigation of values offer the only hope for radical change in the face of environmental destruction. ====Best 4 ==== Homo sapiens have embarked on an insane, destructive, and unsustainable path of existence The proclaims benefits of civil society operation under the ideology of alternative hedonism- the current existence of niche cultures disprove the ability to produce large scale structural changes needed. Yet, for all their undeniable achievements, techno-managerial policy approaches have so ====Anthropocentrism sets up the binary to cause extinction==== ====Trenell, 2006 ==== What is at stake in how we respond to environmental insecurity is the healing of this rift and, in turn, the preservation of human life into the future. Any suggested solutions to environmental vulnerability must account for these concerns and provide a sound basis for redressing the imbalance in the humanity-nature relationship. ====The Alternative is to reject the 1AC.==== ====Discursive criticism is necessary to challenge the framework of Anthropocentrism- the domination of the non-human world is maintained through discourse and communal meanings. ==== Case====The executive will circumvent court restrictions.==== ====Their act of imagination is useless – they have zero concrete argument for how normative thought is connected to actual law==== ====Legal solutions merely mask sovereign power and legitimatize exclusion.==== Giorgio Agamben is best known for his provocative suggestion that the concentration camp – the ====The belief that 9/11 ushered in a "new era" carries with it a host of dangerous assumptions—it legitimates the war on terror and the very civil liberties abuses that the aff indicts==== ====Hailings of 9/11 are co-opted by conservatives to justify war and imperialism: We should reject appeals to the rhetorical tool of 9/11:==== ====The so called post 9/11 era is merely a fiction—belief in it leads to the manipulation of rhetoric and a time period infected with fear:==== 2NCChanging the way we conceive our relationship to nature is critical to revealing the social construction of bodies within discourses of oppressionBell, York University department of education, and Russell, Lakehead University associate professor, 2k (Anne C. and Constance L., department of education, York University, Canada, and Canadian Journal of Environmental Education, "Beyond Human, Beyond Words: Anthropocentrism, Critical Pedagogy, and the Poststructuralist Turn," CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 25, 3 (2000):188–203, http://www.csse-scee.ca/CJE/Articles/FullText/CJE25-3/CJE25-3-bell.pdf, p. 198-99) So far, however, such queries in critical pedagogy have been limited by their Shepard 3 The diverse voices of leading ecologists and activists inspire us to renew our efforts to This means if we win a link, they lose - The debate is not a question of whether or not they benefit people – it’s about whether or not the 1AC violates the intrinsic value of human and non-human animals Eric Katz, Director of Science, Technology, and Society Program at the New Jersey Institute of Technology, 1997 Utilitarianism might be salvaged for use in the environmental debate if it is stripped of We control root cause – their impacts are just the extension of anthropocentric logicKochi, Queen’s University School of Law lecturer, and Ordan, linguist, 08 (Tarik and Noam, Borderlands Volume 7 Number 3, 2008, "An Argument for the Global Suicide of Humanity,") When taking a wider view of history, one which focuses on the relationship of This is an independent link – human superiority is socially constructed and not factually accurate – viewing every being as significant allows for a radical change in the way we give meaning to the worldBell, York University department of education, and Russell, Lakehead University associate professor, 2k (Anne C. and Constance L., department of education, York University, Canada, and Canadian Journal of Environmental Education, "Beyond Human, Beyond Words: Anthropocentrism, Critical Pedagogy, and the Poststructuralist Turn," CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 25, 3 (2000):188–203, http://www.csse-scee.ca/CJE/Articles/FullText/CJE25-3/CJE25-3-bell.pdf, p. 195-97) The human/nature dichotomy is not a frame of reference common to all cultures AT- Disease TurnsShould not use animals for research — testing on humans solves disease better, and is no more morally reprehensible Godel 97 "Anthropocentric Myopia." That is, the glycol and practical arguments they use in 1NR====Outweighs the case – Continued militarism guarantees global destruction.==== ====(—) Military interventions turns the case—it feeds a crisis mentality that prevents solutions to underlying rights violations:==== Our criticism comes before the aff – it doesn’t matter if you’re critiquing the response to the event if you aren’t attentive to the naming of it I believe always in the necessity of being attentive first of all to this phenomenon Memories of 9/11 perpetuate further violence—we shouldn’t use this as a benchmark reference point—Marta da Silva, September 18, 2007(http://www.watsonblogs.org/matrix/2007/09/how_do_we_get_past_911_should.html) Their AFF justifies continued over-reactions to 9-11—9/11 has justified a vast military and intelligence build-up that crushes individual freedoms while expanding the stateFareed Zakaria, 2010 (http://www.newsweek.com/2010/09/04/zakaria-why-america-overreacted-to-9-11.html What America Has Lost) | 9/15/13 |
Round 7 Kentucky - LouisvilleTournament: Kentucky | Round: 7 | Opponent: Louisville BL | Judge: Amber Kelsie 1NCStarting at 6:12 ====Their psychoanalytic paradigm traps us in tautology. As the analyst of our society, the aff positions themselves beyond question—any disagreement is interpreted as "resistance" to the correct diagnosis of the social-analysand. The relationship between analyst and analyzed remains trap in a cycle of domination masquerading as criticism.==== This adversarial configuration of the analytic relationship arises out of Freud’s understanding of the transference ====Silence on the human exploitative gaze towards non-human animals ensures that anthropocentrism continues==== We come to critical pedagogy with a background in environmental thought and education. Of ====Discursive criticism is necessary to challenge the framework of Anthropocentrism- the domination of the non-human world is maintained through discourse and communal meanings. ==== ====Turner 09==== ====The 1ac’s rhetoric about the yellow body being close to the privileged whites is problematic and recreates the myth of the model minority – this form of discrimination justifies oppression against black bodies and latino bodies such as myself.==== 2NCThere has been a long history of oppression against animals that they refused to acknowledge in the 1ac Best 08 ~Dr. Steve Best, "Evolve or Die: Can we shed our moral primitivism before it’s too late?" World Prout Assembley- http://www.worldproutassembly.org/archives/2008/05/evolve_or_die_c.html~~ Their attempt to bind the language of law with the language of war masks the species war at the foundation of the law of war. Their framing of what war is allows for all forms of suffering to continueKochi 9 "species war: law, violence, and animals", 353-359 In everyday speech, in the words of the media, politicians, protestors, ====We must contest whiteness as mutliple whitenesses – they cannot be made singular, because that act fixes and reifies monolithic whiteness. only pluralizing the construction recognizing both their multiple points of intersection with identity and, more importantly, their constructed and historical nature.==== 1NR====The position of an analyst is a position of privilege – psychoanalytic critiques are derived from a racially silent epistemology – race as a structurally contingent concept means the alt can’t solve the case.==== Here is Anthias’ summary. It is terminologically dense but provides a useful reminder of ====Those being analyzed are treating as raw material. The alt replaces material exploitation with psychic exploitation.==== The authority of early anthropologists and psychoanalysis alike had been bolstered by the attempts of | 10/6/13 |
Round 7 UMKC - Texas STTournament: UMKC | Round: 7 | Opponent: Texas ST | Judge: John Cook 1NCSecurityWar powers policy analysis is plagued with flawed scholarship based on constructed threats to US national security – these threats reify the power of the executive while resulting in endless warfare – questioning the underlying assumptions of the knowledge presented in the 1AC is critical to creating a base for substantive political changeRana, ’11 ~Aziz Rana received his A.B. summa cum laude from Harvard College and his J.D. from Yale Law School. He also earned a Ph.D. in political science at Harvard, where his dissertation was awarded the university’s Charles Sumner Prize. He was an Oscar M. Ruebhausen Fellow in Law at Yale; and#34;Who Decides on Security?and#34;; 8/11/11; Cornell Law Library; http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87/-http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/87/~~ Despite such democratic concerns, a large part of what makes today’s dominant security concept The mindset of endless threats is a self-fulfilling prophecy leading to the constant creation of more threatsLipschutz 1998 Security is, to put Wæver’s argument in other words, a socially constructed concept Security discourse sanitizes global destruction by proliferating symptom-focused solutions to power imbalances—-causes cycles of violence that make global warfare and extinction inevitable—adopt the role of a critical intellectual to question the claims of the 1ACAhmed, ’11 ~2011, Dr. Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed is Executive Director of the Institute for Policy Research and Development ~IPRD~, an independent think tank focused on the study of violent conflict, he has taught at the Department of International Relations, University of Sussex and#34;The international relations of crisis and the crisis of international relations: from the securitisation of scarcity to the militarisation of societyand#34; Global Change, Peace 26 Security Volume 23, Issue 3, Taylor Francis~ This analysis thus calls for a broader approach to environmental security based on retrieving the manner in which political actors construct discourses of ’scarcity’ in response to ecological, energy and economic crises ~critical security studies~ in the context of the historically-speci?c socio-political and geopolitical relations of domination by which their power is constituted, and which are often implicated in the acceleration of these very crises ~historical sociology and historical materialism~. Instead, both realist and liberal orthodox IR approaches focus on different aspects of interstate behaviour, con?ictual and cooperative respectively, but each lacks the capacity to grasp that the unsustainable trajectory of state and inter-state behaviour is only explicable in the context of a wider global system concurrently over-exploiting the biophysical environment in which it is embedded. They are, in other words, unable to addressthe relationship of the inter-state system itself to the biophysical environment as a key analytical category for understanding the acceleration of global crises. They simultaneously therefore cannot recognise the embeddedness of the economy in society and the concomitant politically-constituted nature of economics.84 Hence, they neglect the profound irrationality of collective state behaviour, which systematically erodes this relationship, globalising insecurity on a massive scale – in the very process of seeking security.85 In Cox’s words, because positivist IR theory ’does not question the present order ~it instead~ has the effect of legitimising and reifying it’. 86 Orthodox IR sanitises globally-destructive collective inter-state behaviour as a normal function of instrumental reason – thus rationalising what are clearly deeply irrational collective human actions that threaten to permanently erode state power and security by destroying the very conditions of human existence. Indeed, the prevalence of orthodox IR as a body of disciplinary beliefs, norms and prescriptions organically conjoined with actual policy-making in the international system highlights the extent to which both realism and liberalism are ideologically implicated in the acceleration of global systemic crises.87 By the same token, the incapacity to recognise and critically interrogate how prevailing social, political and economic structures are driving global crisis acceleration has led to the proliferation of symptom-led solutions focused on the expansion of state/regime military–political power rather than any attempt to transform root structural causes.88 It is in this context that, as the prospects for meaningful reform through inter-state cooperation appear increasingly nulli?ed under the pressure of actors with a vested interest in sustaining prevailing geopolitical and economic structures, states have resorted progressively more to militarised responses designed to protect the concurrent structure of the international system from dangerous new threats. In effect, the failure of orthodox approaches to accurately diagnose global crises, directly accentuates a tendency to ’securitise’them– and this, ironically, fuels the proliferation of violent con?ict and militarisation responsible for magni?ed global insecurity. ’Securitisation’ refers to a ’speech act’ – an act of labelling – whereby political authorities identify particular issues or incidents as an existential threat which, because of their extreme nature, justify going beyond the normal security measures that are within the rule of law. It thus legitimises resort to special extra-legal powers. By labelling issues a matter of ’security’, therefore, states are able to move them outside the remit of democratic decision-making and into the realm of emergency powers, all in the name of survival itself. Far from representing a mere aberration from democratic state practice, this discloses a deeper ’dual’ structure of the state in its institutionalisation of the capacity to mobilise extraordinary extra-legal military– police measures in purported response to an existential danger.89 The problem in the context of global ecological, economic and energy crises is that such levels of emergency mobilisation and militarisation have no positive impact on the very global crises generating ’new security challenges’, and are thus entirely disproportionate.90 All that remains to examine is on the ’surface’ of the international system ~geopolitical competition, the balance of power, international regimes, globalisation and so on~, phenomena which are dislocated from their structural causes by way of being unable to recognise the biophysically-embedded and politically-constituted social relations of which they are comprised. The consequence is that orthodox IR has no means of responding to global systemic crises other than to reduce them to their symptoms. Indeed, orthodox IR theory has largely responded to global systemic crises not with new theory, but with the expanded application of existing theory to ’new security challenges’ such as ’low-intensity’ intra-state con?icts; inequality and poverty; environmental degradation; international criminal activities including drugs and arms traf?cking; proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; and international terrorism.91 Although the majority of such ’new security challenges’ are non-military in origin – whether their referents are states or individuals – the inadequacy of systemic theoretical frameworks to diagnose them means they are primarily examined through the lenses of military-political power.92 In other words, the escalation of global ecological, energy and economic crises is recognised not as evidence that the current organisation of the global political economy is fundamentally unsustainable, requiring urgent transformation, but as vindicating the necessity for states to radicalise the exertion of their military–political capacities to maintain existing power structures, to keep the lid on.93 Global crises are thus viewed as amplifying factors that could mobilise the popular will in ways that challenge existing political and economic structures, which it is presumed ~given that state power itself is constituted by these structures~ deserve protection. This justi?es the state’s adoption of extra-legal measures outside the normal sphere of democratic politics. In the context of global crisis impacts, this counter-democratic trend-line can result in a growing propensity to problematise potentially recalcitrant populations – rationalising violence toward them as a control mechanism. 3.2 From theory to policy Consequently, for the most part, the policy implications of orthodox IR approaches involve a redundant conceptualisation of global systemic crises purely as potential ’threat-multipliers’ of traditional security issues such as ’political instability around the world, the collapse of governments and the creation of terrorist safe havens’. Climate change will serve to amplify the threat of international terrorism, particularly in regions with large populations and scarce resources.94 The US Army, for instance, depicts climate change as a ’stress-multiplier’ that will ’exacerbate tensions’ and ’complicate American foreign policy’; while the EU perceives it as a ’threat-multiplier which exacerbates existing trends, tensions and instability’. 95 In practice, this generates an excessive preoccupation not with the causes of global crisis acceleration and how to ameliorate them through structural transformation, but with their purportedly inevitable impacts, and how to prepare for them by controlling problematic populations. Paradoxically, this ’securitisation’ of global crises does not render us safer. Instead, by necessitating more violence, while inhibiting preventive action, it guarantees greater insecurity. Thus, a recent US Department of Defense report explores the future of international con?ict up to 2050. It warns of ’resource competition induced by growing populations and expanding economies’, particularly due to a projected ’youth bulge’ in the South, which ’will consume ever increasing amounts of food, water and energy’. This will prompt a ’return to traditional security threats posed by emerging near-peers as we compete globally for depleting natural resources and overseas markets’. Finally, climate change will ’compound’ these stressors by generating humanitarian crises, population migrations and other complex emergencies.96 A similar study by the US Joint Forces Command draws attention to the danger of global energy depletion through to 2030. Warning of ’the dangerous vulnerabilities the growing energy crisis presents’, the report concludes that ’The implications for future con?ict are ominous.’ 97 Once again, the subject turns to demographics: ’In total, the world will add approximately 60 million people each year and reach a total of 8 billion by the 2030s’, 95 per cent accruing to developing countries, while populations in developed countries slow or decline. ’Regions such as the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa, where the youth bulge will reach over 50 of the population, will possess fewer inhibitions about engaging in con?ict.’ 98 The assumption is that regions which happen to be both energy-rich and Muslim-majority will also be sites of violent con?ict due to their rapidly growing populations. A British Ministry of Defence report concurs with this assessment, highlighting an inevitable ’youth bulge’ by 2035, with some 87 per cent of all people under the age of 25 inhabiting developing countries. In particular, the Middle East population will increase by 132 per cent and sub-Saharan Africa by 81 per cent. Growing resentment due to ’endemic unemployment’ will be channelled through ’political militancy, including radical political Islam whose concept of Umma, the global Islamic community, and resistance to capitalism may lie uneasily in an international system based on nation-states and global market forces’. More strangely, predicting an intensifying global divide between a super-rich elite, the middle classes and an urban under-class, the report warns: ’The world’s middle classes might unite, using access to knowledge, resources and skills to shape transnational processes in their own class interest.’ 99 3.3 Exclusionary logics of global crisis securitisation? Thus, the securitisation of global crisis leads not only to the problematisation of particular religious and ethnic groups in foreign regions of geopolitical interest, but potentially extends this problematisation to any social group which might challenge prevailing global political economic structures across racial, national and class lines. The previous examples illustrate how securitisation paradoxically generates insecurity by reifying a process of militarisation against social groups that are constructed as external to the prevailing geopolitical and economic order. In other words, the internal reductionism, fragmentation and compartmentalisation that plagues orthodox theory and policy reproduces precisely these characteristics by externalising global crises from one another, externalising states from one another, externalising the inter-state system from its biophysical environment, and externalising new social groups as dangerous ’outsiders’. Hence, a simple discursive analysis of state militarisation and the construction of new ’outsider’ identities is insuf?cient to understand the causal dynamics driving the process of ’Otherisation’. As Doug Stokes points out, the Western state preoccupation with the ongoing military struggle against international terrorism reveals an underlying ’discursive complex’, where representations about terrorism and non-Western populations are premised on ’the construction of stark boundaries’ that ’operate to exclude and include’. Yet these exclusionary discourses are ’intimately bound up with political and economic processes’, such as strategic interests in proliferating military bases in the Middle East, economic interests in control of oil, and the wider political goal of ’maintaining American hegemony’ by dominating a resource-rich region critical for global capitalism.100 But even this does not go far enough, for arguably the construction of certain hegemonic discourses is mutually constituted by these geopolitical, strategic and economic interests – exclusionary discourses are politically constituted. New conceptual developments in genocide studies throw further light on this in terms of the concrete socio-political dynamics of securitisation processes. It is now widely recognised, for instance, that the distinguishing criterion of genocide is not the pre-existence of primordial groups, one of which destroys the other on the basis of a preeminence in bureaucratic military–political power. Rather, genocide is the intentional attempt to destroy a particular social group that has been socially constructed as different. 101 As Hinton observes, genocides precisely constitute a process of’othering’in which an imagined community becomes reshaped so that previously ’included’ groups become ’ideologically recast’ and dehumanised as threatening and dangerous outsiders, be it along ethnic, religious, political or economic lines – eventually legitimising their annihilation.102 In other words, genocidal violence is inherently rooted in a prior and ongoing ideological process, whereby exclusionary group categories are innovated, constructed and ’Otherised’ in accordance with a speci?c socio-political programme. The very process of identifying and classifying particular groups as outside the boundaries of an imagined community of ’inclusion’, justifying exculpatory violence toward them, is itself a political act without which genocide would be impossible.103 This recalls Lemkin’s recognition that the intention to destroy a group is integrally connected with a wider socio-political project – or colonial project – designed to perpetuate the political, economic, cultural and ideological relations of the perpetrators in the place of that of the victims, by interrupting or eradicating their means of social reproduction. Only by interrogating the dynamic and origins of this programme to uncover the social relations from which that programme derives can the emergence of genocidal intent become explicable.104 Building on this insight, Semelin demonstrates that the process of exclusionary social group construction invariably derives from political processes emerging from deep-seated sociopolitical crises that undermine the prevailing framework of civil order and social norms; and which can, for one social group, be seemingly resolved by projecting anxieties onto a new ’outsider’ group deemed to be somehow responsible for crisis conditions. It is in this context that various forms of mass violence, which may or may not eventually culminate in actual genocide, can become legitimised as contributing to the resolution of crises.105 This does not imply that the securitisation of global crises by Western defence agencies is genocidal. Rather, the same essential dynamics of social polarisation and exclusionary group identity formation evident in genocides are highly relevant in understanding the radicalisation processes behind mass violence. This highlights the fundamental connection between social crisis, the breakdown of prevailing norms, the formation of new exclusionary group identities, and the projection of blame for crisis onto a newly constructed ’outsider’ group vindicating various forms of violence. Conclusions While recommendations to shift our frame of orientation away from conventional state-centrism toward a ’human security’ approach are valid, this cannot be achieved without confronting the deeper theoretical assumptions underlying conventional approaches to ’non-traditional’ security issues.106 By occluding the structural origin and systemic dynamic of global ecological, energy and economic crises, orthodox approaches are incapable of transforming them. Coupled with their excessive state-centrism, this means they operate largely at the level of ’surface’ impacts of global crises in terms of how they will affect quite traditional security issues relative to sustaining state integrity, such as international terrorism, violent con?ict and population movements. Global crises end up fuelling the projection of risk onto social networks, groups and countries that cross the geopolitical fault-lines of these ’surface’ impacts – which happen to intersect largely with Muslim communities. Hence, regions particularly vulnerable to climate change impacts, containing large repositories of hydrocarbon energy resources, or subject to demographic transformations in the context of rising population pressures, have become the focus of state security planning in the context of counter-terrorism operations abroad. The intensifying problematisation and externalisation of Muslim-majority regions and populations by Western security agencies – as a discourse – is therefore not only interwoven with growing state perceptions of global crisis acceleration, but driven ultimately by an epistemological failure to interrogate the systemic causes of this acceleration in collective state policies ~which themselves occur in the context of particular social, political and economic structures~. This expansion of militarisation is thus coeval with the subliminal normative presumption that the social relations of the perpetrators, in this case Western states, must be protected and perpetuated at any cost – precisely because the ef?cacy of the prevailing geopolitical and economic order is ideologically beyond question. As much as this analysis highlights a direct link between global systemic crises, social polarisation and state militarisation, it fundamentally undermines the idea of a symbiotic link between natural resources and con?ict per se. Neither ’resource shortages’ nor ’resource abundance’ ~in ecological, energy, food and monetary terms~ necessitate con?ict by themselves. There are two key operative factors that determine whether either condition could lead to con- ?ict. The ?rst is the extent to which either condition can generate socio-political crises that challenge or undermine the prevailing order. The second is the way in which stakeholder actors choose to actually respond to the latter crises. To understand these factors accurately requires close attention to the political, economic and ideological strictures of resource exploitation, consumption and distribution between different social groups and classes. Overlooking the systematic causes of social crisis leads to a heightened tendency to problematise its symptoms, in the forms of challenges from particular social groups. This can lead to externalisation of those groups, and the legitimisation of violence towards them. Ultimately, this systems approach to global crises strongly suggests that conventional policy ’reform’ is woefully inadequate. Global warming and energy depletion are manifestations of a civilisation which is in overshoot. The current scale and organisation of human activities is breaching the limits of the wider environmental and natural resource systems in which industrial civilisation is embedded. This breach is now increasingly visible in the form of two interlinked crises in global food production and the global ?nancial system. In short, industrial civilisation in its current form is unsustainable. This calls for a process of wholesale civilisational transition to adapt to the inevitable arrival of the post-carbon era through social, political and economic transformation. Yet conventional theoretical and policy approaches fail to ~1~ fully engage with the gravity of research in the natural sciences and ~2~ translate the social science implications of this research in terms of the embeddedness of human social systems in natural systems. Hence, lacking capacity for epistemological self-re?ection and inhibiting the transformative responses urgently required, they reify and normalise mass violence against diverse ’Others’, newly constructed as traditional security threats enormously ampli?ed by global crises – a process that guarantees the intensi?cation and globalisation of insecurity on the road to ecological, energy and economic catastrophe. Such an outcome, of course, is not inevitable, but extensive new transdisciplinary research in IR and the wider social sciences – drawing on and integrating human and critical security studies, political ecology, historical sociology and historical materialism, while engaging directly with developments in the natural sciences – is urgently required to develop coherent conceptual frameworks which could inform more sober, effective, and joined-up policy-making on these issues.HegMaintaining hegemony accelerates paranoid imperial violence – their obsession manufactures threats and conceals the US’ role in enemy construction – the alternative makes visible power relationships that enable endless warfareMcClintock 9 (Anne, Simone de Beauvoir Professor of English and Women’s and Gender Studies at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and#34;Paranoid Empire: Specters from Guantánamo and Abu Ghraib,and#34; Muse) Stability will survive without US hegemonyFettweis ’10 (Chris Fettweis, Professor of national security affairs @ U.S. Naval War College, Georgetown University Press, and#34;Dangerous times?: the international politics of great power peaceand#34; Google Books) Simply stated, the hegemonic stability theory proposes that international peace is only possible when History disproves effective deterrenceKober ’10 (Stanley Kober, Research Fellow in foreign policy studies at the Cato Institute, and#34;The Deterrence Illusionand#34; http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=11898, June 13, 2010) The world at the beginning of the 21st century bears an eerie — and disquieting — resemblance to Europe at the beginning of the last century. The Owen card is just a post on the Cato institute- not a study itself and it’s not peer-reviewed- give it little weight compared to our statistical studies Owen is just citing the Human Security Report - he admits he has no data or methodology to test his armchair theorizing about heg Andrew Mack and his colleagues at the Human Security Report Project are to be congratulated The Human Security Report Owen is citing concludes neg- prefer the people who actually analyzed the statistical data A- Heg causes more conflict than it solves- historical data proves As with other realist claims, there are reasons for skepticism about the peace through B-Heg causes colonialist conflicts that turn any reason heg is good But there is a more serious challenge to the preponderance thesis. From the end Data proves cred theory wrong ——- leads to intervention and wars In international politics credibility is a prized asset. A country whose promises are credible can build valuable alliances because potential allies will not fear betrayal or abandonment. A country whose threats are credible can deter many enemies and prevent costly wars rather than fight them. Every country strives to make its threats and promises credible, but how is this done? What causes credibility? Soft power is a gimmick- only based on GDP not credibilityDoctorow ’13 (Gilbert Doctorow, Research Fellow of the American University in Moscow, and#34;Soft power is largely an American PR gimmickand#34;, May 20, 2013) The recent nose-thumbing at Russia and China by Professor Joseph Nye in Foreign Systemic opposition dooms soft power- drones aren’t keyWike ’12 ~Richard Wike is associate director of the Pew Global Attitudes Project, and#34;Wait, You Still Don’t Like Us?and#34; September 19, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/09/19/you_still_don_t_like_us?page=full-http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/09/19/you_still_don_t_like_us?page=full~~ Their narratives of U.S. hegemony rely on images of anarchy and racial inferiority that colonize knowledge production and lead to perpetual intervention
We adapt to warming.Mendelsohn ’9 – Robert O. Mendelsohn 9, the Edwin Weyerhaeuser Davis Professor, Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies, Yale University, June 2009, and#34;Climate Change and Economic Growth,and#34; online: http://www.growthcommission.org/storage/cgdev/documents/gcwp060web.pdf-http://www.growthcommission.org/storage/cgdev/documents/gcwp060web.pdf These statements are largely alarmist and misleading. Although climate change is a serious problem SolvencyTransparency just continues strikes – does not reduce themWaxman 3-20-13 ~Matthew Waxman is a professor at Columbia Law School, a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, and a member of the Hoover Institution Task Force on National Security and Law, and#34;Going Clear,and#34; http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/03/20/going_clear-http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/03/20/going_clear~~ So, moving operations to the Pentagon may modestly improve transparency and compliance with the Pariah weapons regulation backfires- normalizes militarism and leads to worse forms of violenceCooper, 11 — University of Bradford International Relations and Security Studies Senior Lecturer In this account of contemporary HAC, powerful actors who aim to uphold the status 2NCThe status quo disproves the effectiveness of procedural solutions focus – securitization results in a faith in experts centralizes political decision-making while excluding the public SecurityAlternative Individual analysis of security allows us to resituate our relationship to othersBurke ’02 ~Anthony, School of Political Science and International Studies, University of Queensland. Alternatives 27, 2002~ It is perhaps easy to become despondent, but as countless struggles for freedom, ====Our argument isn’t that predictions can’t be made it’s that security interests corrupt their scenario planning==== . My colleagues now point to research by the political scientists and N.S Especially in the context of the apocalypseMasco 08 (Joseph, and#34;and#34;Survival Is Your Businessand#34;: Engineering Ruins and Affect in Nuclear Americaand#34; Cultural Anthropology, May 2008. Vol. 23, Issue 2)Facing clear evidence of peril, we cannot wait for the final proof, the The Bush administration, in other words, mobilized a well-established logic of Studies prove that the more specific forecasts are the less probable they are – causes flawed threat evaluation that results in serial policy failureYudkowsky ’6 Research Fellow at the Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence and#34;Cognitive biases potentially affecting judgment of global risksand#34; Forthcoming in Global Catastrophic Risks, eds. Nick Bostrom and Milan CirkovicDraft of August 31, 2006. Eliezer Yudkowsky(yudkowsky@singinst.org) The conjunction fallacy similarly applies to futurological forecasts. Two independent sets of professional analysts Experts fail at predictionsQuirk 11 (THE TROUBLE WITH EXPERTS-http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/08913811.2010.541699, Paul J. Quirk, Critical Review, -http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rcri20/22/4Vol. 22, Iss. 4, 2011) Cooption DA Combinations of the alternative and the state result in the cooption of intellectuals into a political, interventionist sphereBISWAS 07 (Shampa, Prof – Politics, Whitman, 2007 and#34;Empire and Global Public Intellectuals: Reading Edward Said as an International Relations Theoristand#34; Millennium 36 (1) While it is no surprise that the US academy should find itself too at that Soft Power Soft power is a euphemism for hegemonic coercion by shaping their perceptions, cognitions and preferences in such a way that they AT: Realism Their realism defenses are epistemologically bankrupt – they naturalize political assumptions to legitimize violence and oppressive political structures – Their method causes self-fulfilling prophesies – the alt is key to reclaim agency from inevitable violenceBusser 6 (Mark Busser, Masters Candidate at the Dept of Political Science at York University. Aug 2006, and#34;The Evolution of Security: Revisiting the Human Nature Debate in International Relations and#34;, http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP40-Busser.pdf-http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP40-Busser.pdf) These arguments are seen by their critics as politicized from the very start. Sociobiology Discourse first – speech acts that legitimize security create the only scenario for extinctionJohn Collins, Ass. Prof. of Global Studies at St. Lawrence, and Ross Glover, Visiting Professor of Sociology at St. Lawrence University, 2002, Collateral Language, p. 6-7 From our perspective, then, every act of political violence—from the AT: Proximate Cause Epistemology focus is good1. All knowledge is socially conditionedJohn Agnew, Professor of Geography at UCLA, 2007, International Political Sociology, (2007) 1, p. 143 Various ’’social studies’’ of science take these insights down to the level of the 2. Critical to determining what we consider factualZachary Lockman, professor of Modern Middle Eastern History at New York University, 2004, Contending Visions of the Middle East: The History and Politics of Orientalism, p. 4-5 I should also acknowledge at the outset that there have been, and con¬tinue to 1NRHegAT US Lashout No US lashoutMacDonald ’11 (Paul K. MacDonald, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Williams College, and Joseph M. Parent, Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Miami, and#34;Graceful Decline?: The Surprising Success of Great Power Retrenchment,and#34; International Security, Vol. 35, No. 4, p. 7-44, Spring 2011) With regard to militarized disputes, declining great powers demonstrate more caution and restraint in No potential conflicts for hotspots to escilateFettweis ’11 (Christopher J. Fettweis, Department of Political Science, Tulane University, Free Riding or Restraint? Examining European Grand Strategy, Comparative Strategy, 30:316–332, EBSCO, September 26, 2011) Assertions that without the combination of U.S. capabilities, presence and commitments Soft Power Systemic opposition dooms soft power- drones aren’t keyWike ’12 ~Richard Wike is associate director of the Pew Global Attitudes Project, and#34;Wait, You Still Don’t Like Us?and#34; September 19, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/09/19/you_still_don_t_like_us?page=full-http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/09/19/you_still_don_t_like_us?page=full~~ Racism Turn ====Racism must be rejected in EVERY INSTANCE without surcease – prerequisite to morality.==== The struggle against racism will be long, difficult, without intermission, without remission Discourse shapes reality and policy – Mobilization using security logic creates a self-fulfilling prophecy First, it was argued only by thinking and writing about the future that one | 9/15/13 |
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