Tournament: Neregional | Round: 4 | Opponent: United States Military Allen-Spikol | Judge: Kozak
A. Link – 

1. Global governance – The 1AC’s concern with promoting the health of the global population is a form of bio-politics and global security, with a genocidal opposite side of the same coin – as life becomes the focus of politics, death becomes a necessary tool of sovereignty, making endless violence inevitable. 

Duffield 4 Professor Emeritus, University of Bristol, former Director of the Global Insecurities Centre “CARRY ON KILLING: GLOBAL GOVERNANCE, HUMANITARIANISM AND TERROR” DIIS Working Paper 2004/23Alex

Bio-politics emerged with modernity to form the basis of state power. It
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The awesome power to unleash limitless death presents itself as a cynical counterpart,

…of a power that exerts a positive influence on life, that endeavours to administer, optimize, and multiply it, subjecting it to all precise controls and comprehensive regulations. Wars are no longer waged in the name of a sovereign who must be defended; they are waged on behalf of the existence of everyone; entire populations are mobilised for the purpose of wholesale slaughter in the name of life necessity: massacres have become vital (Ibid: 136). 

As the managers of species-life, since the end of the nineteenth century
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global governance that the place of sovereignty within it can now be examined.
2. Whitewashing -- The affirmative plan is like a soccer game at Auschwitz; it is a momentary break in the violence of the State of Exception, the moment of “normalcy” that has become the exception, rather than the rule. It allows us to think the true violence of war powers has been diminished, it distracts us from the true political question this resolution calls us to answer: why do we allow the violence of sovereignty to continue?
Agamben 99 Giorgio, Accademia di Architettura, Mendrisio Remnants of Auschwitz. Pp 25-6Alex
And yet Levi recalls that a witness, Miklos Nyszli, one of the very
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understanding that match, in stopping it, there will never be hope.
Impact --

1. This obliterates value to life – all living beings become the target of a political paradigm that decides what life is expendable, making us all into malleable chips to be used and discarded.

Agamben 98 Giorgio, all around awesome dude Homo Sacer. Section 3.5 of “Part Three: The Camp as a Biopolitical Paradigm of The Modern”

The only explanation left is that the program, in the guise of a solution
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can be explained only in the biopolitical context in which they were situated.

2. there’s no solvency – sovereignty suspends law as it pleases, meaning there’s no reason the plan won’t be rolled back next month by new legislation or a new court decision.
Pease 03 Donald, Avalon Foundation Chair of the Humanities at Dartmouth College “The Global Homeland State: Bush's Biopolitical Settlement”  boundary 2 30.3 (2003) Duke University Press 1-18musealex
With the enemy's violation of the rules of war as rationale, the state suspended
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Freedom simply extended the prerogatives of the domestic emergency state across the globe. 

C. Alternative – Reject the affirmative’s call to sovereignty in order to affirm whatever being – literally whatever being we are. We are not solely political beings, nor bare life. Whatever being avoids distinction and confounds sovereignty by its inability to be ascribed a political identity.
Caldwell 4 Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Louisville “Bio-Sovereignty and the Emergence of Humanity”  Theory and Event 7:2. The Johns Hopkins University PressMuseAlex
Can we imagine another form of humanity, and another form of power? The
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a non-state world, made up of whatever life, appears.

Tournament: Urbradsmith | Round: 2 | Opponent: CUNY Joseph-Debater | Judge: Goodrich
The affirmative is unethical political constipation, aggressively seeking pleasure at the expense of real political change – they reduce material experience to a contingent relationship with ideology that destroys political agency and reifies capitalist domination
Ebert ’95 (Teresa, Professor of English, University at Albany, SUNY; specializes in Critical and Cultural Theory, Marxist Theory, Feminist Critique, and Globalization Theory. “(Untimely) Critiques for a Red Feminism.” in Post-Ality, Marxism and Postmodernism, edited by Mas'ud Zavarzadeh, Teresa Ebert and Donald Morton, Maisonneuve Press 1995.)
The non-discursive for ludic feminists in the 1990's, thus, becomes more
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on this point. In his "Body/Power," Foucault states that
The emergence of the problem of the body and its growing urgency have come about
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the important, if not essential elements. (Power/Knowledge 57)
The politics of Foucault's theorising of the body as a site of resistance materialism becomes
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the prevailing mode of "materialism" in ludic feminism in this way:
I mean materialism in its strongest sense: the material onto which we map our constructions, 'matter on its own terms that might resist or pressure our constructions, or prove independent of them altogether. This materialism is the nondiscursive something poststructuralist feminists now want to embrace, the extradiscursive something they confess necessarily eludes them. ("Bodies and God" 131)
Unlike historical materialism, which foregrounds the historical praxis of the materiality of labour,
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process of extracting surplus labour from the worker by the capitalist takes place.

War is a structural necessity of global capitalist integration

Mészáros 2003 István, Volume 55, Issue 02 (June), Militarism and the Coming Wars,
https://monthlyreview.org/2003/06/01/militarism-and-the-coming-wars
The dangers and immense suffering caused by all attempts at solving deep-seated social
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and to the potential annihilation of humankind when we reach our own time.
It is most relevant to mention in this context the distinguished Prussian military officer and
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frequently quoted: “war is the continuation of politics by other means.”
This famous definition was tenable until quite recently, but has become totally untenable in
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military pursuit was guaranteed if the war could be considered winnable in principle.
Today the situation is qualitatively different for two principal reasons. First, the objective
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open ended limited wars,” can therefore be qualified only as total irrationality.
The second reason greatly reinforces the first. For the weapons already available for waging
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use of such weapons is by now considered an acceptable state strategic device.
Thus, put reasons one and two together, and the conclusion is inescapable:
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strategic document does, make Hitler’s irrationality look like the model of rationality.
2.
Since September 11, 2001, Washington has been imposing its aggressive policies on the
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for the purpose of controlling the potential rivals strategically crucial—oil resources.
However, the chronological order in the current American military doctrine is presented completely upside
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of mass destruction.” Can one get more cynical and hypocritical than that?
I have been firmly convinced for a long time that since the onset of capital’s structural crisis at the end of the 1960s or the beginning of the 1970s we live in a qualitatively new phase of imperialism, with the United States as its overwhelmingly dominant force. I called it in Socialism or Barbarism “the new historic phase of global hegemonic imperialism.”
The critique of U.S. imperialism—in contrast to the fashionable fantasies
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the atomic weapon of mass destruction against the people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
When we consider these issues of extreme gravity, we cannot be satisfied with any
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come about, would still leave the underlying causes and structural determinations untouched.
To be sure, the new phase of global hegemonic imperialism is preponderantly under the
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imperialistic developments? It would be very naEFve to believe that it could.
Here I only wish to underline a central concern, namely that the logic of
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embody and more or less directly affect the changes of ongoing historical development.
With regard to the present phase of imperialism, two closely connected aspects are of
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the “American national interests” while denying such considerations to the others.
3.
Here we can see the contradictory relationship between a historical contingency—American capital finding
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the underlying systemic necessity is bound to remain the drive to global domination.
The question is, therefore, not simply the given militaristic ventures of some political
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which brings to the fore the changing but increasingly more perilous specific historical contingencies

Capitalism is the root cause
(A)  Empirics
Glassman 4 (Jim, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia, “Transnation hegemony and US labor foreign policy: towards a Gramscian international labor geography”, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, volume 22, pages 573-593)
These patterns are referred to as modes of social relations of production, which encapsulate
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the social realities shaped through the production process' (Cox 1987, 353). 

(B)  Material oppression can’t be explained away by symbolic gestures like “you rely on use-value”—only material embodiment within the world informs our values.  Without a “good use of the social,” their impacts are inevitable
Wood and Cox 93 (Julia, Professor in the Department of Speech Communication, University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, and Robert, the Associate Professor in the Department of Speech Communication, University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, “Rethinkin critical voice: Material  and situated konoledge”, Western Journal of Communication, pg 278 -287, Spring)

Yet, totalizing communication as the symbolic entails certain costs. Our enchantment with claims
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reality that cannot be denied and should not be beclouded by definitional quibbles.

Thus the alternative: Vote negative to endorse a revolutionary politics of objective materiality.
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Thus the alternative: Vote negative to endorse an objective system of politics and materiality
Capitalism is based on the systemic exploitation of labor power, mystifying the link between labor and society – critiquing the objective status of labor power allows for emancipatory politics and destroys capitalism
Ebert 96 Teresa L., For a Red Pedagogy: Feminist, Desire, and Need College English, Vol. 58, No. 7 (Nov., 1996), pp. 795-819
In other words, a corporeal knowledge that "traces the libidinal pathway," "
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, in short, the means for producing politically effective and transformative knowledges.