Tournament: CSUF | Round: 6 | Opponent: NYU DZ | Judge: Robert Glass
Agonistic democracy dissolves antagonistic politics by funneling radical energy into false choices between corruption and conservatism
Žižek ’2 Slavoj Žižek, Senior Researcher at the Institute for Social Studies in Ljubljana, Welcome to the Desert of the Real, Verso, 2002, p. 78-79
So are we preaching the old lesson of how the ideological meaning of an element
AND
of democratic corruption and the Rightist campaigns to get rid of it?33

Tournament: USC | Round: 4 | Opponent: Emory AB | Judge: Donny Peters

1NC

The affirmative invokes a prophecy of apocalypse. They foretell a digital war made possible by a theological eschatology of computer-code destruction.
Stevens 2013 (Tim, Prof. War Studies at King College London, "Apocalyptic Visions: Cyber Warfare and the Politics of Time," April 25 2013, Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2256370 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2256370)CJQ
This suggests apocalypse is also an object of desire, something to be welcomed and
AND
cyber war located with respect to this spirit of apocalyptic modernity and postmodernity?
Their prophecies of cyber apocalypse reifies the doctrine of providence manifesting in the materialism of the world itself. They stand as the priestly class, ruling in the name of an angelic council of cyberwarfare experts, reverse-engineering the legitimacy of their own rule.  
Agamben 2011 (Giorgio, Prof. Philosophy at European Graduate School, "For the Kingdom and the Glory," Pp. 113-114)CJQ
An exhaustive reconstruction of the immense debate on providence that, in pagan, Christian
AND
-or, in Foucault’s words, of the omnes and the singulatim.

1NR

This has a profoundly anti-political tendency; calcifying state power behind security experts who are both the cause and effect of cyber insecurity shifts the ontological center of focus from the individual relation to Being which is the heart and meaning of a truly secure way of life and the naïve tribalism of the affirmative’s doom-saying.
Agamben 2011 (Giorgio, Prof. Philosophy at European Graduate School, "For the Kingdom and the Glory," Pp. 145-146)CJQ
While in the book on Monotheism as a Political Problem Peterson resolutely denies, in
AND
the song of praise" (ibid. , p. 206) .

Tournament: USC | Round: 5 | Opponent: George Mason KL | Judge: Katrina Kaiser
Aff doesn’t solve – exceptionalism is entrenched in the state – arbitrary grabs for power are inevitable
Hussain ’7 Nasser Hussain, assistant professor in the Department of Law, Jurisprudence, and Social Thought at Amherst College, "Beyond Norm and Exception: Guantánamo," Critical Inquiry, Vol. 33, No. 4, Summer 2007 jss
Finally, what are some of the implications of the argument that norm and exception
AND
liberal emergency constitution will invariably miss a great many of its intended targets.

Ideals are entrenched – no mindset shift away from drone use
Pryer ’13 Lieutenant Colonel Douglas A. Pryer is a military intelligence officer, author of The Fight for the High Ground: the U.S. Army and Interrogation During Operation Iraqi Freedom, May 2003-2004, and is the winner of numerous military writing awards, "The Rise of the Machines: Why Increasingly "Perfect" Weapons Help Perpetuate our Wars and Endanger Our Nation," Military Review 93.2, Mar/April 2013, pp. 2-13, proquest jss
 Sadly, there is little chance that America will temper, let alone end
AND
artillery. Besides, we’re protecting you from the bad guys, too."

Tournament: CSUF | Round: 2 | Opponent: Whitman KE | Judge: William Baker
The affirmative incorrectly isolates hope for justice in the future—this produces a cacophony of futures that confound queer activism. Radical pessimism is the only queer standpoint.
Edelman and Berlant 2014 (Lee, Prof. English at Tufts and Lauren, Prof. Literature at Univ. Chicago, Sex, or the Unbearable, Pp. 39-40)CJQ
Fantasy tethers you to a possible world but makes you passive too, she suggests
AND
and in the bruise of significant contact, with people and with words.

Tournament: USC | Round: 4 | Opponent: Emory AB | Judge: Donny Peters

1NR

Nanotech leads to unrestricted damage on the environment and biosphere functioning, and legal codification fails. That turns your futurism claims because your case
This is your authors, but more recent
Mike Treder, executive director of Center for Responsible Nanotechnology and BS in Biology from University of Washington, and Chris Pheonix, Director of Research at CRN and studied nanotechnology for more than 15 years, MS in computer science from Stanford, "Nanotechnology: Dangers of Molecular Manufacturing," Center for Responsible Nanotechnology, last updated 7 February 2008, http://www.crnano.org/dangers.htm
Collective environmental damage is a natural consequence of cheap manufacturing, as are health risks
AND
litter that will be hard to clean up and may cause health problems.

Tournament: USC | Round: 1 | Opponent: Georgetown BM | Judge: Izak Dunn

1NC vs Georgetown BM

Their political strategy of information transparency presupposes a public sphere through which symbols are distributed fully and efficiently – but under communicative capitalism the public already has too much information. Their whistleblowing will be absorbed and forgotten as quickly as Wikileaks.
Dean ’11 Jodi Dean, Professor of Political Science at Hobart and William Smith Colleges, "Know It All," Open, no. 22, 2011, http://academia.edu/1145534/know_it_all—dean jss
At least three suppositions underlie Goodman’s conviction. The first is that information is immediate
AND
S. intelligence- when it is U.S. intelligence itself." 

2NC vs Georgetown BM

Increases in transparency do not necessarily result in oversight of government; data distribution is always uneven under communicative capitalism—the privileged will soak up information and redeploy it for profit while dodging criticism.
Dean 2009 (Jodi, Prof. Political Science at Hobart and William Smith Colleges, "Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies," Pp. 28, Duke University Press, Sept. 2009)CJQ
The fantasy of abundance both expresses and conceals the shift from message to contribution.
AND
where some molecules, like water, do much more work than others."
Communicative capitalism’s ideological subversion of reality causes interpassivity and distorts truth – the aff is a ruse to justify continued antipolitical fatalism
Dean ’9 Jodi Dean, Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies: Communicative Capitalism 26 Left Politics, Duke University Press, 2009, p. 147-148 jss
Most political discussion (as well as democratic theory) takes for granted the existence
AND
contribution to the circulation of content with little impact on power or policy.

Tournament: Lewis and Clark | Round: 1 | Opponent: Gonzaga MO | Judge: OG

Terrorism

The racialized body lives under a constant state of terrorism under white supremacy—their narratives of terror and terrorist belie the existential condition at the root of racial antagonisms. Use their rhetoric as an opportunity to interrogate subterranean racial implications.
Rodriguez 2003 (Dylan, Prof. Ethnic Studies at UC-Riverside, "State Terror and the Reproduction of Imprisoned Dissent," Social Identities, Volume 9, Number 2, 2003)CJQ
The boundaries between terrorists and the terrorised often blur or dissolve, all the while
AND
and metaphoric point of departure for the allegory of state power/violence.

The murder of Trayvon Martin is the end-point of this process—white subjectivities order the material world in conformity to this legalistic order of fiction, trending toward rampant violence against the black body.
Musiol 2013 (Hanna, PhD in English Literature from Northeastern University, "Museums of Human Bodies" in College Literature 40.3 Summer 2013 via Project Muse on 31 July 2013)CJQ
Paradoxically, on domestic battlefields of the twenty-first century, visual assessments of
AND
"engender the desire to kill that person" (Examined Life 2010).

Pakistan

Drone strikes are a structural feature of the AESTHETICS of white supremacy: there is a centuries-old project of arranging brown bodies in pleasing patterns to white subjects; the aerial bombing of Pakistan by is a paternalistic and colonial reaction to brown bodies that just won’t stand where the white people want them to.
Musiol 2013 (Hanna, PhD in English Literature from Northeastern University, "Museums of Human Bodies" in College Literature 40.3 Summer 2013 via Project Muse on 31 July 2013)CJQ
Yet drones do not perceive and kill on their own, and although they are
AND
-makers of non-Western bodies and objects a century or two earlier

Tournament: Gonzaga | Round: 1 | Opponent: Cal EM | Judge: Cheek, Ryan

1NC

K

The mythic justice of the law is illusory. The instant that justice glimmers in the form of the law it retreats behind an impressive array of gatekeeprs who exclude some on the basis of arbitrary criteria; the black, queer, chicana are woman are all excluded from the liberation rationalities of law and transcendence. Lawsuits, courts, appeals, and jurisprudence are only so many attempts to veil justice behind obstacles, bureaucracies and sovereignties.

Franz Kafka 1915 ("Before the Law," Trans. Ian Johnston, http://www.kafka-online.info/before-the-law.html)
Before the law sits a gatekeeper. To this gatekeeper comes a man from the
AND
entrance was assigned only to you. I’m going now to close it.

The U.S. legal system is also a myth, based only on ever-disappearing traces of justice. Like with the legal theory of the gatekeepers, each case is considered unique and discrete—the universal principle of justice could only ever be deductively applied, already requiring a transcendence away from any kind of immanent political subjectivity.

The D.C. District Court, ruling in the case of Al-Aulaqi v. Obama in 2010 (District Court Ruling, full opinion available at http://www.lawfareblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/Al-Aulaqi-Decision-Granting-Motion-to-Dismiss-120710.pdf)
On August 30, 2010, plaintiff Nasser Al-Aulaqi ("plaintiff") filed
AND
under the September 18, 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force?

The law is devious and malicious even as it wears the mask of ethics; in recognizing the importance of one’s own claim to justice, by continuously re-articulating the benevolence of the law, the judicial order only creates the conditions to withdraw itself. The myth of jurisdiction relies on both a theory of spatial sovereignty and personal accountability to a sovereign, which reinforces juridical orders of exception and suspension of the applicability of the law. We can have no hope in the law—only disappointments.

The D.C. District Court, ruling in the case of Al-Aulaqi v. Obama in 2010 (District Court Ruling, full opinion available at http://www.lawfareblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/Al-Aulaqi-Decision-Granting-Motion-to-Dismiss-120710.pdf)
These and other legal and policy questions posed by this case are controversial and of
AND
overseas must await another day or another (non-judicial) forum.

And, statutory alterations are toothless to stop the power of executive decisionism; arbitrary judicial standards guarantee continued deference ot executive agencies as a matter of fact required by the very structural constrains of administrative law—their faith in legal institutions to correct themselves relies on a flase hope in the enlightenment of the executive which is disproven by their own inherency claims.

Fabbri 2009 (Lorenzo, PhD Philosophy, also graduate student in Romance Studies at Cornell University, "Chronotopologies of the Exception Agamben and Derrida before the Camps," Diacritics, Vol. 39 No. 3 2009, Muse)CJQ
Drawing from Schmitt, Vermeule demonstrates that it is not possible to eliminate the dialectic
AND
with a camp discovered to be the foundation of the rule of law.

In particular, at the level of existential litigation over taregeted killing lives are literally reduced to letters printed on paper and subject to the whims of other written orders authorizing that life’s execution. The life of the subject under litigation becomes reducible to the markings on the page indicating their life—life and law become literally indistinguishable. Any hope in the law is a myth, progressing inevitably toward the complete subsumation of all life by law.

Vatter 2008 (Miguel, Prof. Political Science at Universidad Diego Portales, Santiago, Chile, "In Odradek’s World: Bare Life and Historical Materialism in Agamben and Benjamin" Diacritics Vol. 38 No. 3)CJQ
Kafka’s Before the Law tells the story of a "man from the country"
AND
it, as if it were developing from a singular law unto itself. 

The alternative is vote negative and pursue justice in spite of the law.

The ethical relation to the Other is before any other considerations—the self is held hostage in realtion to difference. Do not use the position of the judge to pass a judgment on one team or another—imagine as if you were a judge condemning these people to death; every act of judgment always carries a death sentence—each and every appeal in the court system only a pathway for a new withdrawal of the law. Justice is ethics and not mere positive legislation—it is a call for compassion beyond any legal text, something more profound than any court’s ruling could capture.

Holland 2003 (Suzanne, Prof. Religion, Univ. Puget Sound, "Levinas and Otherwise-than-Being (Tolerant): Homosexuality and the Discourse of Tolerance" JAC Online: A Journal of Rhetoric, Culture 26 Politics, Vol. 23.1: 2003)CJQ
Substitution, almost ironically, is Levinas’ term for explaining that which cannot be escaped
AND
self; it is the meaning of liberty and the exercise of ethics.

Case

The reduction of embodied subjectivity to a legal order corresponds to the untethering of subjectivity from the body itself—legal justice becomes the final order of white heterosexual supremacy.

Winnubst 2006 (Shannon, Asst. Prof. Women’s Studies, "Queering Freedom," 2006 Pp. 47-8)CJQ
In his provocative book White, Richard Dyer argues that whiteness in the modern world
AND
, neutralized from and unencumbered by all material effects of power or history.

The framework of rights and legal protections abstract away from material conditions and have no explanatory power.

Patton 2012 (Paul, Prof Humanities and Languages at University of New South Wales, "Immanence, Transcendence, and the Creation of Rights," in Deleuze and Law, Pp. 15-31)CJQ
What is Philosophy? is equally critical of the uses made of rights talk
in the contemporary world. Deleuze and Guattari argue that human
rights have come to function as axioms within the immanent axiomatic
of global capital. As such, the basic civil and political rights regarded as
human rights coexist alongside other axioms, such as those designed to
ensure the security of property. The result is that when economic conditions
demand the tightening of credit or the withdrawal of employment,
the rights of the poor to basic social goods are effectively suspended.
Human rights are widely proclaimed but, in the absence of any effective
institutional mechanism for their enforcement, it is left to individual
states and non-state organisations to decide when and where their
infringement is so serious as to require action. In addition to these familiar
criticisms of the operation of human rights, Deleuze and Guattari
are critical of the very concept of human rights in so far as these are
supposed to be grounded in universal features of human nature such
as human freedom, rationality, or the capacity to communicate. Such
universal rights ’say nothing about the immanent modes of existence of people provided with rights’ (Deleuze and Guattari 1991: 103; 1994:
107). Since they presuppose a universal and abstract subject of rights,
irreducible to any singular, existent figures, they are eternal, abstract
and transcendent rights belonging to everyone and no one in particular.
This may well appear from the perspective of contemporary conceptions of human rights to be
AND
a philosophical advance’ (Deleuze 1990: 208; 1995: 152).1

The murder of Trayvon Martin is the end-point of this process—white subjectivities order the material world in conformity to this legalistic order of fiction, trending toward rampant violence against the black body.

Musiol 2013 (Hanna, PhD in English Literature from Northeastern University, "Museums of Human Bodies" in College Literature 40.3 Summer 2013 via Project Muse on 31 July 2013)CJQ
Paradoxically, on domestic battlefields of the twenty-first century, visual assessments of
AND
"engender the desire to kill that person" (Examined Life 2010).

Block

Short 2NC Law Overview

This legal order is constituted by a series of references to the past, to previous legal orders, promising to provide a justification, each of which only points to a lack at the heart of the law.They said in cross-x a court decides what actions are legitimate; there is no justifiable legal action because the entirety of the law is a fiction; their legal realism reduces subjectivity to text on a page, making life nothing more than ink and paper.

Vatter 2008 (Miguel, Prof. Political Science at Universidad Diego Portales, Santiago, Chile, "In Odradek’s World: Bare Life and Historical Materialism in Agamben and Benjamin" Diacritics Vol. 38 No. 3)CJQ
Kafka’s Before the Law tells the story of a "man from the country"
AND
law, but conversely that all law becomes "indistinguishable from life."41 

Benjamin reads Kafka’s parables as illustrations of this revolutionary turnabout of bare life in "
AND
it, as if it were developing from a singular law unto itself.

AT: Perm do Both

Three reasons why the ethical orientation of the alternative is incompatible with the politics of the permutation:

- Substitution means that you and you alone make the ethical decision—nobody can make it for you, not even the drone courts set up by the 1AC. You are always and already responsible for the Other.
- Condemned before the other – We are all guilty of atrocious violence before the Other and before every Other. Their theory of justice is grounded in a right to revenge, which amounts to the dominance of difference by sameness.
- Standpoint of the hostage – the only way to reformulate ethics outside of violence and domination is by submitting yourself to the standpoint of the hostage, who is being-for-the-other in every possible way. This is a radical unthinking of the sovereign subject of law.
Levinas and Nemo 1985 (Emmanuel and Philippe, philosophers, from "Ethics and Infinite: Conversations with Philippe Nemo," online at http://hermitmusic.tripod.com/levinas_ethics_infinity.pdf)CJQ
E.L.: Since I am responsible even for the Other’s responsibility. These
AND
for all men before all, and I more than all the others.

AT: Framework

The law is the violent universalization of a particular principle—it fundamentally relies on making a situation transcendent in an injunction against the Other. Law can only account for justice by opening itself to the Other and hence by displacing itself from the very position of the law which is only possible on the basis of the alternative.

In the same way, their enframing arguments rely on identifying universal norms of debate and them applying them deductively and constructing abstract scenarios. Like the court dismissing Al-Aulaki’s case, the affirmative feigns concern for ethics only to preclude any meaningful ethical encounter by dismissing the case before any judgment could be made to enact justice for the Other.

Secomb 2000 Linnell Secomb ~lecturer in Gender Studies at the University of Sydney~ Fractured Community * Hypatia 15.2 (2000) 133-150, project muse
Nancy’s thinking on community marks a radical departure from the universalist conceptions of both community
AND
limit and finitude replaces community understood as a communion or union of individuals.

Framework

Ontological investigation of community is necessary to informed policy

Richard Welch ~Department of Geography, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand~ and Ruth Panelli ~Department of Geography, University College London, London~ "Questioning community as a collective antidote to fear: Jean-Luc Nancy’s ’singularity’ and ’being singular plural’" Area (2007) 39.3, 349–356 Area Vol. 39 No. 3, pp. 349–356, 2007 ISSN 0004-0894 © The Authors. Journal compilation © Royal Geographical Society (with The Institute of British Geographers) 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd
Linking a challenging ontological position to the way beings live everyday life is a demanding
AND
and placed in dialogue with other contemporary per- spectives in geography.6

Hegemony Link

The affs imagination of politics around the policy of the border rests on a fundamental conception of sociality as defined by an "US" who are separate from "Them."  America, like all communities, is a myth.  Thus, these boundaries are not natural, but the aff makes them so.

Ben Golder~Lecturer in the Faculty of Law at the University of New South Wales~, Victoria Ridler~School of Law at Birkbeck College~, and Illan Rua Wall ~Senior Lecturer Oxford Brookes University~ Editors’ Introduction: ’The Politics of the Border/ The Borders of the Political’ Law Critique (2009) 20:105–111
What, then, can we call the politics of the border? The examples
AND
time to question the borders of the political, to reassert its openness.

Tournament: UNLV | Round: 5 | Opponent: UTSA CM | Judge: Mike Weitz

1NC

Queer Insurrection K

A spectre is haunting America—the spectre of queerness. All of the powers of straight sexuality have entered into an erotic alliance to exorcise these desires—President and Congress, Santorum and Scalia, Democrats in Kentucky and police officers in Louisiana all find a common enemy in the queer that they can kick and bash and burn and bruise as violently as they like.
Where is the grand conspiracy the straights always point to, the revolutionary queer agenda that threatens to destabilize all of heterosexuality? Where is the radical force that has barked back the political command of queerness, against gay assimilationists and straight supremacists alike?
Queers should openly, in the face of all heterosexists in the world, announce their demands, their agendas, their desires, their tastes and styles, hopes and dreams. These queers should meet the absurd fantasy of straight civil society with their own revolutionary movement committed to victory by any means necessary.   
Our demands are endless. We want everything, and that sure as hell includes the ballot. The state hasn’t done anything for queers except keep us locked in the closet. We echo the Mary Nardini gang when they write: 

(Mary Nardini gang, clandestine criminal queers from Wisconsin, "Toward the Queerest Insurrection," available at http://zinelibrary.info/files/QueerestImposed.pdf-http://zinelibrary.info/files/QueerestImposed.pdf)

"We’ve despaired that we could never be as well-dressed or cultured as the Fab Five. We found nothing in Brokeback Mountain. We’ve spent far too long shuffling through hall¬ways with heads-hung-low. We don’t give a shit about marriage or the military. But oh we’ve had the hottest sex - everywhere - in all the ways we aren’t supposed to and the other boys at school definitely can’t know about it.

And when I was sixteen a would-be-bully pushed me and called me a faggot. I hit him in the mouth. The inter¬course of my fist and his face was far sexier and more liber¬ating than anything MTV ever offered our generation. With the pre-cum of desire on my lips I knew from then on that I was an anarchist.

In short, this world has never been enough for us. We say to it, "we want everything, mother¬fucker, try to stop us21"
AND, in the year 2013 queer activism looks like a bad imitation of its former self. Instead of fighting against the family, against marriage, against property, against the violence inherent to straight supremacy and hetero-patriarchy, queers throw in their lot with the LGBT movement and hope for marriage equality. We beg for assimilation—we beg to be on the other side of the border, always so close to the levers of straight power.  
We don’t accept centuries-long project of assimilation. we affirm a political alliance with the forgotten queer movements of the 90s – the Bash Backers, the Pink Panthers and ACU-UP are the inspiration. A ballot for the negative exposes the radical potential of a queer nation – the creation of a safe space for the queers who have only ever had a straight home or straight society to go back to. The queer nation robs the nation and borders of nationality and strives to create a mode of living without heterosexist ideologies, politics, nations or desires. Use the ballot to claim this space as the newest political workshop of the Tacoma Queer Nation. 

 Queer Nation 1990 (Queer Nation, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship). 

THE QUEER NATION MANIFESTO

Text of a manifesto originally passed out by people marching with the ACT UP contingent in the New York Gay Pride Day parade, 1990. –

How can I tell you. How can I convince you, brother; sister
AND
standing here reading these words. You should by all rights be dead.
Don’t be fooled, straight people own the world and the only reason you have
AND
it must be given over to m

Tournament: CSUF | Round: 2 | Opponent: Whitman KE | Judge: William Baker
Straigtness is constructed around an antiqueer libidinal economy: we need our own political movements—our contemporary era of assimilation proves that straight-queer coalitions fail. They’re afraid of what a queer politics might mean for their privilege.
Berlant and Freeman 1993 (Lauren and Elizabeth, Prof. English Lit at Univ. Chicago and Prof. English at UC Davis, "Queer Nationality" in Fear of a Queer Planet ed. Michael Warner, 1993, Pp. 200-201)CJQ
"I Hate Straights," instead, "proceeds in terms of the unavoidable usefulness
AND
about queer anger. Otherwise, tell them to shut up and listen."
Their intersectionality turns don’t apply—any risk of a link carries a potential politics of seduction, the internalization of heterosexist desire which turns all revolutionary politics against itself.
Bersani 2010 (Leo, Prof. French at UC – Berkeley, "Is the Rectum a Grave? And other essays," Pp. 14-15, University of Chicago Press)CJQ
The dead seriousness of the gay commitment to machismo (by which I of course
AND
and confuses impulses to appropriate and to identify with the object of desire.
Inclusivity becomes politically devastating at the point where we care more about getting straights into the movement than making sure queers are free to revolt—their politics will reproduce capitalist domination.
Brown 2007 (Gavin, Prof. Geography at University of Leicester, "Mutinous eruptions: autonomous spaces of radical queer activism," in Environment and Planning A 2007, Vol. 39 2685-2698)CJQ
Whilst mainstream gay rights organisations seek to assert their `normality’ as the basis of
AND
benefit from their position within the division of labour in postindustrial consumer capitalism.

Tournament: CSUF | Round: 4 | Opponent: Rutgers RS | Judge: Ashley Moore
Queerness is not solely a white category of identification—it intersects with other forms of domination. They have conceded our queer social death thesis which means that we experience violence as a form of structural antagonism.
Stanley 2011 (Eric, "Near Life, Queer Death¶ Overkill and Ontological Capture," Social Text 107 s Vol. 29, No. 2 s Summer 2011)CJQ
Indeed, not all who might identify under the name queer experience¶ the same
AND
blackness in relation to slavery, that "objects can and do resist."
Whiteness is made possible in part because of heterosexism – their anti-intersectional politics can’t account for the ways race is eroticized by white society. These two forms of domination are not identical but whiteness cannot be discussed in isolation from heterosexual domination.
Yep 03 (Gust A., Ph.D., Professor of Communication Studies at San Francisco State University, "The Violence of Heteronormativity in Communication Studies: Notes on Injury, Healing, and Queer World-Making", Journal of Homosexuality 45:2-4, pp. 11-59. Project Muse. tjs)

Heterosexuality and Whiteness. It is apparent that an examination of heterosexuality produces parallel and
AND
white heteropatriarchy – a self evident standard against which all differences are measured.

Tournament: USC | Round: 5 | Opponent: George Mason KL | Judge: Katrina Kaiser
Their optimism is misplaced—society has been totalized against the queer since the inception of straight society. They don’t have a coherent narrative of how queers can effectuate change.
Sedgwick 1990 (Eve Karofsky, the queer queen, "Epistemology of the Closet," Pp. 128-129)CJQ
From at least the biblical story of Sodom and Gomorrah, scenarios of same-
AND
never clearly distinguishable from a broader, apocalyptic trajectory toward something approaching omnicide.

Queer optimism underestimates the gratuitous violence of heterosexist domination—the only political thought we’re permitted to think are ones that are useful to straight people, and anyone who thinks otherwise is branded as a bad queer or a sassy queen. They’re just wrong on this question—the queer is socially dead.
Edelman 2004 (Lee, Prof. English at Tufts, "No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive," Pp. 134-135)CJQ
For the politics of reproductive futurism, the only politics we’re permitted to know,
AND
- bespeaks a drive that eludes all efforts to formulate its meaning.29

Tournament: USC | Round: 5 | Opponent: George Mason KL | Judge: Katrina Kaiser
The alternative is THE ABORTION OF REALITY, to sign your ballot for NONE OF THE ABOVE in an act of queer mutiny that throws into question heterosexual logics of reproduction and efficiency that would straightwash the violence done to queers by articulating it only as individual criminal acts. This social order has given nothing to queers that they couldn’t build on their own: use your ballot to embrace a queer reclamation of this and every other space.  
Edelman 2004 (Lee, Prof. English Tufts, "No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive," Pp. 4-5)CJQ
Rather than rejecting, with liberal discourse, this ascription of negativity to the queer
AND
only in the process of abjecting that constancy of access onto the queer.

Tournament: USC | Round: 5 | Opponent: George Mason KL | Judge: Katrina Kaiser
Antiqueerness is the root cause of American exceptionalism—Uncle Sam is a heteropatriarchal and pre-conscoius drive, commanding a violence male body to conquer the world. Their affirmative fails to account for irrational desires to kill, ensuring continued exceptionalism.
Hope 1994 (Trevor, PhD Comp. Lit at Cornell, "Melancholic Modernity: The Hom(m)osexual Symptom and the Homosocial Corpse," in Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies, Volume 6, Numbers 2+3 PP 174-198)CJQ
The fetishistic operations of the epistemology of the closet - an epistemology which maintains this
AND
the end offinger, only where a policing gaze has already entrapped it.

We have a new set of axioms for politics, the most important of which is this: PEOPLE ARE DIFFERENT FROM EACH OTHER. They homogenize oppression when they isolate exceptionalism as the root cause. Their arguments are ahistorical in face of antiqueer violence.
Sedgwick 1990 (Eve Karofsky, the queer queen, "Epistemology of the Closet," Pp. 22-24)CJQ
Axiom 1: People are different from each other. It is astonishing how few
AND
unstable ways in which people may be like or different from each other.

Tournament: Lewis and Clark | Round: 3 | Opponent: Gonzaga CK | Judge: Kuswa

1NC

Tacoma Queer Nation

IN THE YEAR 2013 we are given a pretty image of the revolutionary queer movement, now identified in the media as roughly synonymous with "marriage equality." The radical Queers, ACT-UP, the Pink Panthers, The Bash-Backers, the entire Queer Nation was subsumed first under "gay rights" and then "equality" and now it’s taken over by something that rich straight and white political consultants are passing off as "marriage equality."
We don’t accept this narrative of progress and centralized activism. We echo the decentered, fluid, fragmented, and disunified Queer Nation when we identify heterosexist privilege in the matrix of power along the lines of racism, sexism, anthropocentrism, ableism, and capitalist exploitation. American society breathes at the expense of the queer; even our own organizations lock us into closets of their own design, new identities of their own making.
Against this, we affirm a political alliance with these forgotten queer movements: a ballot for the negative exposes debate to the radical potential of a Nation without any nationality, an identity without essentialisms and a mode of living without the heterosexist policy-industrial complex which robs revolutionary movements of their political energies. Use the ballot to claim this space as the newest political workshop of the Tacoma Queer Nation. 

Queer Nation 1990 (Queer Nation, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship). 

THE QUEER NATION MANIFESTO

Text of a manifesto originally passed out by people marching with the ACT UP contingent in the New York Gay Pride Day parade, 1990. –

How can I tell you. How can I convince you, brother; sister
AND
standing here reading these words. You should by all rights be dead.

Don’t be fooled, straight people own the world and the only reason you have
AND
it must be given over to me and my queer sisters and brothers.

Straight people will not do this voluntarily and so they must be forced into it. Straights must be frightened into it. Terrorized into it. Fear is the most powerful motivator. No one will give us what we deserve. Rights are not given they are taken, by force if necessary.

It is easier to fight when you know who your enemy is. Straight people are your enemy. They are your enemy when they don’t acknowledge your invisibility and continue to live in and contribute to a culture that kills you.

Every day one of us is taken by the enemy. Whether it is an AIDS death due to homophobic government inaction or a lesbian bashing in an all-night diner (in a supposedly lesbian neighborhood), we are being systematically picked off and we will continue to be wiped out unless we realize that if they take one of us they must take all of us.
And, the focus on presidential abuses of power ignores the extent to which queerness is made the object of an extensive domestic apparatus of securitization and desexualization—once-radical queer spaces like San Fransisco’s Castro District have been pacified in the quest to tame a queerness that’s always disobedient.
Mattilda 2009 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "Pink Saturday: Party or Police State" at http://www.sfbaytimes.com/?sec=article26article_id=11007)CJQ
I actually kind of like Pink Saturday. I like it because it’s more honest
AND
says anything to me because otherwise I would just rip them to shreds.
Heterosexism is the ground of gendered violence—patriarchy is constructed through a regulatory function of sexuality—the eroticization of female bodies is a result of sexuality, not sexed difference. The dichotomy of male and female is possibly only after internalizing a reproductive scheme of heterosexuality.
Lloyd 2012 (Moya, "Heteronormativity and/as Violence: The "Sexing" of Gwen Araujo," Hypatia. doi: 10.1111/hypa.12015)CJQ
As Sara Ahmed observes, heteronormativity refers to "more than simply the presumption that
AND
of sex is itself a material violence. (17, my emphasis)
The logic of feminism is not immune from the logic of heterosexism—heteronormativity operates through a kind of invisibility where we never realize the technologies of sexuality that we create and re-create each and every day. The affirmative’s discussion of the specific oppression faced by women feminizes the very discourse of feminism—their activism boils down to so many new models of the closet.
Sedgwick ’90 ~Eva Kosofksy, Distininguished Professor of English at the CUNY Graduate Center, Epistemology of the Closet, tjs~
From at least the biblical story of Sodom Gomorrah, scenarios of same-sex
AND
thought between minority potentials and universalizing ones be opened and opened and opened?
And, this antagonism between the straight and the queer is one of the constitutive antagonisms of society itself. The affirmative opposes the subordination of female bodies to male bodies but is only able to do so  by retreating into a discursive analysis which overdetermines the material violence faced by the queer. Queers get cut out of the feminist movement as the totalizing focus on sexual difference at the expense of sexuality, creating the very conditions for the systematized extermination of queers.
Queer Nation 1990 (Queer Nation, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship).
I have friends. Some of them are straight. Year after year, I
AND
about queer anger. Otherwise, tell them to shut up and listen.
HERE’S OUR ALTERNATIVE: The Queer Nation should liberate this debate space by any means necessary.
Assimilation means DEATH—the construction of a radically queer space subverts normative regulation of gender and sexuality by denying heterosexual universality—seizing the debate space as a space of queer revolution resists not just the antagonism between the straight and the queer but also the unarticulated and radical division between the queer and the gay. The universality of heterosexuality is just as much a fiction as the melancholia of gay rights—reject their gentrification, their participatory patriarchy and their glamorous narratives of white gay privilege to expose the multitude of sorrows faced by the queer each and every day.  
Mattilda 2006 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "Sweatshop-Produced Rainbow Flags and Participatory Patriarchy: Why the Gay Rights Movement Is a Sham" at http://www.mattildabernsteinsycamore.com/gayrights_lip.html-http://www.mattildabernsteinsycamore.com/gayrights_lip.html)CJQ
A gay elite has hijacked queer struggle, and positioned their desires as everyone’s needs
AND
let’s just convince the Christian right to accept us on their own terms.
And, we need spaces that are QUEER and not merely GAY. The gay rights movement has calcified into a movement to bring wealthy gay men into the ownership of capitalist modes of production. We’re bashed, beaten, abused and dismissed not only by straight patriarchs but MOST VICIOUSLY by gay men who have internalized a strategy of assimilation into straight civil society and who react with SHAME, FEAR and UNCANNY TERROR at the sight of the poor, drug-addicted queer who doesn’t live FOR society, but IN SPITE OF IT.
Mattilda 2006 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "Sweatshop-Produced Rainbow Flags and Participatory Patriarchy: Why the Gay Rights Movement Is a Sham" at http://www.mattildabernsteinsycamore.com/gayrights_lip.html-http://www.mattildabernsteinsycamore.com/gayrights_lip.html)CJQ
The reality is that while San Francisco still shelters outsider queer cultures unimaginable in most
AND
wine, and toasting Gavin Newsom as the vanguard leader of gay civil rights

Tournament: Gonzaga | Round: 3 | Opponent: Weber BS | Judge: Kuswa

1NC

IN THE YEAR 2013 we are given a pretty image of the revolutionary queer movement, now identified in the media as roughly synonymous with "marriage equality." The radical Queers, ACT-UP, the Pink Panthers, The Bash-Backers, the entire Queer Nation was subsumed first under "gay rights" and then "equality" and now it’s taken over by something that people are calling "marriage equality."
We don’t accept this narrative of progress and centralized activism. We echo the decentered, fluid, fragmented, and disunified Queer Nation when we identify heterosexist privilege in the matrix of power along the lines of racism, sexism, anthropocentrism, ableism, and capitalist exploitation. American society breathes at the expense of the queer; even our own organizations lock us into closets of their own design, new identities of their own making. Against this, affirm the radical potential of a Nation without a nationality, an identity without any essentialism. Claim this space as the new capital of the Tacoma Queer Nation. 

Queer Nation 1990 (Queer Nation, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship). 

THE QUEER NATION MANIFESTO

Text of a manifesto originally passed out by people marching with the ACT UP contingent in the New York Gay Pride Day parade, 1990. –

How can I tell you. How can I convince you, brother; sister
AND
standing here reading these words. You should by all rights be dead.

Don’t be fooled, straight people own the world and the only reason you have
AND
it must be given over to me and my queer sisters and brothers.

Straight people will not do this voluntarily and so they must be forced into it. Straights must be frightened into it. Terrorized into it. Fear is the most powerful motivator. No one will give us what we deserve. Rights are not given they are taken, by force if necessary.

It is easier to fight when you know who your enemy is. Straight people are your enemy. They are your enemy when they don’t acknowledge your invisibility and continue to live in and contribute to a culture that kills you.

Every day one of us is taken by the enemy. Whether it is an AIDS death due to homophobic government inaction or a lesbian bashing in an all-night diner (in a supposedly lesbian neighborhood), we are being systematically picked off and we will continue to be wiped out unless we realize that if they take one of us they must take all of us.
And, the focus on presidential abuses of power ignores the extent to which queerness is made the object of an extensive domestic apparatus of securitization and desexualization—once-radical queer spaces like San Fransisco’s Castro District have been pacified in the quest to tame a queerness that’s always disobedient.
Mattilda 2009 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "Pink Saturday: Party or Police State" at http://www.sfbaytimes.com/?sec=article26article_id=11007)CJQ
I actually kind of like Pink Saturday. I like it because it’s more honest
AND
says anything to me because otherwise I would just rip them to shreds.
Heterosexism is the ground of violence—patriarchy was and is produced through a regulatory function of a supposedly natural heterosexuality; the division of human bodies into two sexes, one of which is oppressed because of unique structural functions at work in the creation of heterosexuality such as the procreation imperative and the assumption of gendered norms. Phenomenological anxiety and material violence is the inevitable fate of both women and queers so long as heteronormativity produces patriarchy.
Lloyd 2012 (Moya, "Heteronormativity and/as Violence: The "Sexing" of Gwen Araujo," Hypatia. doi: 10.1111/hypa.12015)CJQ
As Sara Ahmed observes, heteronormativity refers to "more than simply the presumption that
AND
of sex is itself a material violence. (17, my emphasis)
The affirmative’s focus on the reduction of political life to bare life operates as a kind of straight privilege—the queer, the black, the woman and the poor are all marked for death before they even start. They may oppose the sovereign but they still hoard power in the hands of the authoritarian heterosexist network of authority which already operates OUTSIDE of sovereign structures. Queers are cut out of the privileged operation of sovereignty—the best we get is a kind of glorified capitalist politics—their focus on the sovereign comes with a whole closet of heterosexist baggage. Reformism has failed queer activism—it’s time to act up.
Queer Nation 1990 (Queer Nation, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship).
I have friends. Some of them are straight. Year after year, I
AND
about queer anger. Otherwise, tell them to shut up and listen.
For the queer every walk home is an encounter with the specter of Matthew Sheppard and a governmental regime of securitization which subjects the queer body both to extra-legal violence in the form of queer bashings and the biopolitical affirmation of heterosexism; the risk of violence brought by standing outside of the closet constantly follows the queer in every step they take where they would announce their presence.
Edelman 2004 (Lee, Prof. English at Tufts University, "No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive," Pp. 116-117)CJQ
In an atmosphere all atwitter with the cries that echo between those who merely watch
AND
futurism itself, the burden of the radically negative force that sinthomosexuality names.
COUNTERPLAN TEXT: The Queer Nation should liberate this debate space by any means necessary.
Assimilation means DEATH—the construction of a radically queer space subverts normative regulation of gender and sexuality by denying heterosexual universality—specifically, annexing the debate space for the Queer Nation is a re-politicization of debate made possible only with the victory of Emporia at CEDA and the NDT.  The universality of heterosexism is a fiction, another myth taught in schools that debate has an opportunity to confront.
Butler 2004 (Judith, Prof. Rhetoric and Comp. Lit. at UC-Berkeley, "Undoing Gender," Pp. 3, Routledge Press)CJQ
There are advantages to remaining less than intelligible, if intelligibility is understood as that
AND
impossible. It means only that paradox is the condition of its possibility.
This can’t be combined with a politics that accepts any premise of heterosexist society; the integration of queerness into heterosexuality only produces a utopian "Gaylandia" which fails to account for what is queer about queers—namely, our distance and difference from straights. We need queer spaces, but more than that we need a queer space that is QUEER and not merely GAY.
Ruiz 2008 (Jason, Asst. Prof. American Studies, "The Violence of Assimilation: An Interview with Mattilda aka Matt Bernstein Sycamore" Radical Historical Review Winter 2008 2008(100))CJQ
We’re just so excited about gay cops, because if we have gay cops gunning
AND
about transnational adoption, because I’m a lesbian and I need these kids."
And, their impact framing is precisely the kind of straight privilege that goes unnoticed in heterosexist spaces. Queer-bashings don’t happen because the queer is reduced to bare life which can then be exterminated; queer bashings happen because some straight people have power and want to go and kill a queer BECAUSE they are queer and BECAUSE they know that queers won’t do anything about it. Don’t accept Agamben’s premise here—look to the social location of who’s calling for what impact calculus.
We echo again the Queer Nation:
 (Queer Nation 1990, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship).
After James Zappalorti, an openly gay man, was murdered in cold blood on
AND
think that the knife that punctured Zappalorti’s heart was meant only for him?

The straight world has us so convinced that we are helpless and deserving victims of
AND
whatever you can, whatever you have to, to save your life21
The question of solvency is IRRELEVANT in the scheme of heterosexist domination. Paradigms of utility have foreclosed the possibility of reading queer movements as "productive" in any way. What we need is a radical queer geography—a geography of the body and of ideology, a bulwark to fight back against heterosexist domination.
Winnubst 2006 (Shannon, Asst. Prof. Women’s Studies, "Queering Freedom," 2006 Pp. 162-163)CJQ
Utility writes itself into our bodies in this culture of advanced capitalist phallicized whiteness in
AND
the ways that utility seeps into them through their social mappings of power.
And, you HAVE TO TAKE A SIDE. Either you are for or against the Queer Nation—either you accept the idea of a queer space or you recoil against it. There is no middle ground; the myth of neutral judgment presupposes a free-floating subjectivity, the ultimate desire of heterosexist patriarchy.
Winnubst 2006 (Shannon, Asst. Prof. Women’s Studies, "Queering Freedom," 2006 Pp. 54-5)CJQ
We must then ask the difficult and painful question of whether the law, with
AND
fundamental tool of phallicized whiteness, one that will always perpetuate its domination?

Block

Do not hide behind the rainbow flag—the language of multicultural inclusion and pacification is the constant move of authoritarians everywhere, espousing the goodwill of the masters. Don’t buy into the permutation—transform this debate a direct action extravaganza.
Mattilda 2011 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "An Interview with Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore," http://wewhofeeldifferently.info/interview.php?interview=110)CJQ
Most people with power hide behind the rainbow flag and figure out ways to oppress
AND
hypocrisy, not just of mainstream gay people but also of all hypocrites.
Their archeological analysis is a straight luxury; the queer does not have time to sit around and think about the nature of sovereignty—every day is a precarious encounter with death.
Bersani 2010 (Leo, Prof. French at UC – Berkeley, "Is the Rectum a Grave? And other essays," Pp. 5-6, University of Chicago Press)CJQ
All of this is, as I say, familiar ground, and I mention
AND
for a federal law guaranteeing the confi dentiality of HIV antibody test results.
Focus on language reifies white straight Christian privilege—it makes a virtue of inaction and displaces agency into printed letters.
Winnubst 2006 (Shannon, Asst. Prof. Women’s Studies, "Queering Freedom," 2006 Pp. 45-46)CJQ
First of all, I want to emphasize that this demarcation of social differences occurs
AND
these? And how are these enactments of the logic of the limit?
And, power is exercised at the level of the body, not discourse. The 1AC impact framing mechanism is an operation of heterosexist privilege which obfuscates the material  oppression faced by the queer, black, female and arab bodies.
Winnubst 2006 (Shannon, Asst. Prof. Women’s Studies, "Queering Freedom," 2006 Pp. 162-163)CJQ
Utility writes itself into our bodies in this culture of advanced capitalist phallicized whiteness in
AND
the ways that utility seeps into them through their social mappings of power.
The focus on discourse and regulatory regimes is too broad—it excludes queer specificity.
Butler 2004 (Judith, Prof. Rhetoric and Comp. Lit. at UC-Berkeley, "Undoing Gender," Pp. 41, Routledge Press)CJQ
Particular kinds of regulations may be understood as instances of a more general regulatory power
AND
, that gender requires and institutes its own distinctive regulatory and disciplinary regime.
There’s an assimilation disad to the perm; the perm overcodes queer difference within a heterosexist order by folding queer activism within a straight frame of reference—affirming the particularity of queer positionality is a prior question.
Bersani 2010 (Leo, Prof. French at UC – Berkeley, "Is the Rectum a Grave? And other essays," Pp. 40-41, University of Chicago Press)CJQ
The psychoanalytic inquiry can be politicized in ways generally not allowed for by queer theorists
AND
the bumper stickers that enjoin us to "think globally and act locally."
The end result is a self-erasing politics—any risk of a link carries a potential politics of seduction, the internalization of heterosexist desire which turns all revolutionary politics against itself.
Bersani 2010 (Leo, Prof. French at UC – Berkeley, "Is the Rectum a Grave? And other essays," Pp. 14-15, University of Chicago Press)CJQ
The dead seriousness of the gay commitment to machismo (by which I of course
AND
and confuses impulses to appropriate and to identify with the object of desire.
Their permutations can’t take any principled ethical action—failure to retain meaningful connections to the movement’s cause swamps political energies within institutional confines.
Ruiz 2008 (Jason, Asst. Prof. American Studies, "The Violence of Assimilation: An Interview with Mattilda aka Matt Bernstein Sycamore" Radical Historical Review Winter 2008 2008(100))CJQ
What I’m interested in exploring is how intersections emerge in unexpected ways. Coalitional politics
AND
that police brutality because that is the violence that’s going on around me.
And, their cross-x belief in rationality operates to transform their discourse into one bound to patriarchal and heterosexist discourses of whiteness and privilege—they reinforce networks of power even as they think they question the sovereign.
Winnubst 2006 (Shannon, Asst. Prof. Women’s Studies, "Queering Freedom," 2006 Pp. 45)CJQ
Broad cultural structures of race and sexual difference thus surface as a complicated nexus of
AND
over nature and the social field of relations, and their subsequent freedom.
Their limits arguments construct criteria by which to normalize debater’s subjectivities; in the same way that queers stay in the closet and police their own performances of gender, heterosexism overdetermines their predictable limits to make their education fascist.
Ruffolo 2009 (David V., University of Toronto, "Post-Queer Theory" Pp. 88-89)CJQ
Let us begin with hierarchical observations. This is by and large a strategy that
AND
fundamentally dependent on those for ’our’ existence" (1997b, 2).
This round is an intimately political space—educational regimes coordinate with securitization and depoliticization. We need to infuse education with a political queerness to create space for alternative modes of being.
Queer Nation 1990 (Queer Nation, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship). 

I hate Jesse Helms. I hate Jesse Helms so much I’d rejoice if he dropped down dead. If someone killed him I’d consider it his own fault.

I hate Ronald Reagan, too, because he mass-murdered my people for
AND
like hell to be allowed to be a father. I hate straights.

Tournament: Gonzaga | Round: 5 | Opponent: ASU CH | Judge: OG

Tacoma Queer Nation

IN THE YEAR 2013 we are given a pretty image of the revolutionary queer movement, now identified in the media as roughly synonymous with "marriage equality." The radical Queers, ACT-UP, the Pink Panthers, The Bash-Backers, the entire Queer Nation was subsumed first under "gay rights" and then "equality" and now it’s taken over by something that people are calling "marriage equality."
We don’t accept this narrative of progress and centralized activism. We echo the decentered, fluid, fragmented, and disunified Queer Nation when we identify heterosexist privilege in the matrix of power along the lines of racism, sexism, anthropocentrism, ableism, and capitalist exploitation. American society breathes at the expense of the queer; even our own organizations lock us into closets of their own design, new identities of their own making. Against this, affirm the radical potential of a Nation without a nationality, an identity without any essentialism. Claim this space as the new capital of the Tacoma Queer Nation. 

Queer Nation 1990 (Queer Nation, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship). 

THE QUEER NATION MANIFESTO

Text of a manifesto originally passed out by people marching with the ACT UP contingent in the New York Gay Pride Day parade, 1990. –

How can I tell you. How can I convince you, brother; sister
AND
standing here reading these words. You should by all rights be dead.

Don’t be fooled, straight people own the world and the only reason you have
AND
it must be given over to me and my queer sisters and brothers.

Straight people will not do this voluntarily and so they must be forced into it. Straights must be frightened into it. Terrorized into it. Fear is the most powerful motivator. No one will give us what we deserve. Rights are not given they are taken, by force if necessary.

It is easier to fight when you know who your enemy is. Straight people are your enemy. They are your enemy when they don’t acknowledge your invisibility and continue to live in and contribute to a culture that kills you.

Every day one of us is taken by the enemy. Whether it is an AIDS death due to homophobic government inaction or a lesbian bashing in an all-night diner (in a supposedly lesbian neighborhood), we are being systematically picked off and we will continue to be wiped out unless we realize that if they take one of us they must take all of us.
And, the focus on presidential abuses of power ignores the extent to which queerness is made the object of an extensive domestic apparatus of securitization and desexualization—once-radical queer spaces like San Fransisco’s Castro District have been pacified in the quest to tame a queerness that’s always disobedient.
Mattilda 2009 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "Pink Saturday: Party or Police State" at http://www.sfbaytimes.com/?sec=article26article_id=11007)CJQ
I actually kind of like Pink Saturday. I like it because it’s more honest
AND
says anything to me because otherwise I would just rip them to shreds.
Heterosexism is the ground of violence—patriarchy was and is produced through a regulatory function of a supposedly natural heterosexuality; the division of human bodies into two sexes, one of which is oppressed because of unique structural functions at work in the creation of heterosexuality such as the procreation imperative and the assumption of gendered norms. Phenomenological anxiety and material violence is the inevitable fate of both women and queers so long as heteronormativity produces patriarchy.
Lloyd 2012 (Moya, "Heteronormativity and/as Violence: The "Sexing" of Gwen Araujo," Hypatia. doi: 10.1111/hypa.12015)CJQ
As Sara Ahmed observes, heteronormativity refers to "more than simply the presumption that
AND
of sex is itself a material violence. (17, my emphasis)
The affirmative’s advocacy on behalf of Islamic culture is a form of speaking for other; this is the classic conceit of heterosexual privilege; the queer, black, woman and arab are rendered invisible under their epistemological framework of advocacy whereby anyone can advocate for anyone without looking to their social locations. Chelsea Manning and Matthew Sheppard demonstrate that the queer is marked for detention and eventual execution before they even step onto the street. They may oppose the sovereign narrative of Islamophobia but they still hoard power in the hands of the authoritarian heterosexist network of authority which already operates OUTSIDE of sovereign structures.
Queers aren’t killed because they lack human rights; in the United States there are federal hate crime laws and multiple court cases indicating the dignity of the queer and yet we are ASSAULTED, BASHED and too many of us are KILLED in SPITE of these rights, not because we lack them. Queers are always cut out of the privileged operation of rights—their focus on the sovereign comes with a whole closet of heterosexist baggage. Reformism has failed queer activism—it’s time to act up.
Queer Nation 1990 (Queer Nation, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship).
I have friends. Some of them are straight. Year after year, I
AND
about queer anger. Otherwise, tell them to shut up and listen.
And, this speaking for others has DEVASTATING political consequences; without any personal connection to our political movements we end up with intersectional politics where IDENTITIES are like POST-IT notes. Heterosexism is able to generate energy off of this, sucking the blood out of any queer politics.
Ruiz 2008 (Jason, Asst. Prof. American Studies, "The Violence of Assimilation: An Interview with Mattilda aka Matt Bernstein Sycamore" Radical Historical Review Winter 2008 2008(100))CJQ
What I’m interested in exploring is how intersections emerge in unexpected ways. Coalitional politics
AND
that police brutality because that is the violence that’s going on around me.

ALTERNATIVE TEXT: The Queer Nation should liberate this debate space by any means necessary.
Assimilation means DEATH—the construction of a radically queer space subverts normative regulation of gender and sexuality by denying heterosexual universality—specifically, annexing the debate space for the Queer Nation is a re-politicization of debate made possible only with the victory of Emporia at CEDA and the NDT.  The universality of heterosexism is a fiction, another myth taught in schools that debate has an opportunity to confront.
Butler 2004 (Judith, Prof. Rhetoric and Comp. Lit. at UC-Berkeley, "Undoing Gender," Pp. 3, Routledge Press)CJQ
There are advantages to remaining less than intelligible, if intelligibility is understood as that
AND
impossible. It means only that paradox is the condition of its possibility.
This can’t be combined with a politics that accepts any premise of heterosexist society; the integration of queerness into heterosexuality only produces a utopian "Gaylandia" which fails to account for what is queer about queers—namely, our distance and difference from straights. We need queer spaces, but more than that we need a queer space that is QUEER and not merely GAY.
Ruiz 2008 (Jason, Asst. Prof. American Studies, "The Violence of Assimilation: An Interview with Mattilda aka Matt Bernstein Sycamore" Radical Historical Review Winter 2008 2008(100))CJQ
We’re just so excited about gay cops, because if we have gay cops gunning
AND
about transnational adoption, because I’m a lesbian and I need these kids."
The question of solvency is IRRELEVANT in the scheme of heterosexist domination. Paradigms of utility have foreclosed the possibility of reading queer movements as "productive" in any way. What we need is a radical queer geography—a geography of the body and of ideology, a bulwark to fight back against heterosexist domination.
Winnubst 2006 (Shannon, Asst. Prof. Women’s Studies, "Queering Freedom," 2006 Pp. 162-163)CJQ
Utility writes itself into our bodies in this culture of advanced capitalist phallicized whiteness in
AND
the ways that utility seeps into them through their social mappings of power.
And, you HAVE TO TAKE A SIDE. Either you are for or against the Queer Nation—either you accept the idea of a queer space or you recoil against it. There is no middle ground; the myth of neutral judgment presupposes a free-floating subjectivity, the ultimate desire of heterosexist patriarchy.
Winnubst 2006 (Shannon, Asst. Prof. Women’s Studies, "Queering Freedom," 2006 Pp. 54-5)CJQ
We must then ask the difficult and painful question of whether the law, with
AND
fundamental tool of phallicized whiteness, one that will always perpetuate its domination?

Case

Piecemeal reformism fails to appreciate the apocalyptic violence of the industrial prison complex; torture and detention are one and the same—their reification of the law sediments an exceptionalist hegemony built on racism and violence.
Sexton 2006 (Jared Sexton, African American Studies at UC-Irvine, and Elizabeth Lee, department of geography university of british Columbia, "Figuring the Prison: Prerequistes of Torture at Abu Ghraib," Antipode 38, 2006, pg. 1015-1017)
Yet, there is something disingenuous about the unwillingness to advocate the abolition of prison
AND
frightening comparisons" incessantly grant to us, in the space of freedom.

Tournament: Lewis and Clark | Round: 5 | Opponent: Whitman AS | Judge: Frappier

Tacoma Queer Nation

IN THE YEAR 2013 we are given a pretty image of the revolutionary queer movement, now identified in the media as roughly synonymous with "marriage equality." The radical Queers, ACT-UP, the Pink Panthers, The Bash-Backers, the entire Queer Nation was subsumed first under "gay rights" and then "equality" and now it’s taken over by something that rich straight and white political consultants are passing off as "marriage equality."
We don’t accept this narrative of progress and centralized activism. We echo the decentered, fluid, fragmented, and disunified Queer Nation when we identify heterosexist privilege in the matrix of power along the lines of racism, sexism, anthropocentrism, ableism, and capitalist exploitation. American society breathes at the expense of the queer; even our own organizations lock us into closets of their own design, new identities of their own making.
Against this, we affirm a political alliance with these forgotten queer movements: a ballot for the negative exposes debate to the radical potential of a Nation without any nationality, an identity without essentialisms and a mode of living without the heterosexist policy-industrial complex which robs revolutionary movements of their political energies. Use the ballot to claim this space as the newest political workshop of the Tacoma Queer Nation. 

Queer Nation 1990 (Queer Nation, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship). 

THE QUEER NATION MANIFESTO

Text of a manifesto originally passed out by people marching with the ACT UP contingent in the New York Gay Pride Day parade, 1990. –

How can I tell you. How can I convince you, brother; sister
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standing here reading these words. You should by all rights be dead.

Don’t be fooled, straight people own the world and the only reason you have
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it must be given over to me and my queer sisters and brothers.

Straight people will not do this voluntarily and so they must be forced into it. Straights must be frightened into it. Terrorized into it. Fear is the most powerful motivator. No one will give us what we deserve. Rights are not given they are taken, by force if necessary.

It is easier to fight when you know who your enemy is. Straight people are your enemy. They are your enemy when they don’t acknowledge your invisibility and continue to live in and contribute to a culture that kills you.

Every day one of us is taken by the enemy. Whether it is an AIDS death due to homophobic government inaction or a lesbian bashing in an all-night diner (in a supposedly lesbian neighborhood), we are being systematically picked off and we will continue to be wiped out unless we realize that if they take one of us they must take all of us.
And, the focus on presidential abuses of power ignores the extent to which queerness is made the object of an extensive domestic apparatus of securitization and desexualization—once-radical queer spaces like San Fransisco’s Castro District have been pacified in the quest to tame a queerness that’s always disobedient.
Mattilda 2009 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "Pink Saturday: Party or Police State" at http://www.sfbaytimes.com/?sec=article26article_id=11007)CJQ
I actually kind of like Pink Saturday. I like it because it’s more honest
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says anything to me because otherwise I would just rip them to shreds.
Heterosexism is the ground of gendered violence—patriarchy is constructed through a regulatory function of sexuality—the eroticization of female bodies is a result of sexuality, not sexed difference. The dichotomy of male and female is possibly only after internalizing a reproductive scheme of heterosexuality.
Lloyd 2012 (Moya, "Heteronormativity and/as Violence: The "Sexing" of Gwen Araujo," Hypatia. doi: 10.1111/hypa.12015)CJQ
As Sara Ahmed observes, heteronormativity refers to "more than simply the presumption that
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of sex is itself a material violence. (17, my emphasis)
The logic of feminism is not immune from the logic of heterosexism—heteronormativity operates through a kind of invisibility where we never realize the technologies of sexuality that we create and re-create each and every day. The affirmative’s discussion of the specific oppression faced by women feminizes the very discourse of feminism—their activism boils down to so many new models of the closet.
Sedgwick ’90 ~Eva Kosofksy, Distininguished Professor of English at the CUNY Graduate Center, Epistemology of the Closet, tjs~
From at least the biblical story of Sodom Gomorrah, scenarios of same-sex
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thought between minority potentials and universalizing ones be opened and opened and opened?
And, this antagonism between the straight and the queer is one of the constitutive antagonisms of society itself. The affirmative opposes the subordination of female bodies to male bodies but is only able to do so  by retreating into a discursive analysis which overdetermines the material violence faced by the queer. Queers get cut out of the feminist movement as the totalizing focus on sexual difference at the expense of sexuality, creating the very conditions for the systematized extermination of queers.
Queer Nation 1990 (Queer Nation, originally ACT UP ~AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power~, was a radical, militant queer liberation group. Text taken from http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html-http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/queernation.html, altered to resist fascist censorship).
I have friends. Some of them are straight. Year after year, I
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about queer anger. Otherwise, tell them to shut up and listen.
HERE’S OUR ALTERNATIVE: The Queer Nation should liberate this debate space by any means necessary.
Assimilation means DEATH—the construction of a radically queer space subverts normative regulation of gender and sexuality by denying heterosexual universality—seizing the debate space as a space of queer revolution resists not just the antagonism between the straight and the queer but also the unarticulated and radical division between the queer and the gay. The universality of heterosexuality is just as much a fiction as the melancholia of gay rights—reject their gentrification, their participatory patriarchy and their glamorous narratives of white gay privilege to expose the multitude of sorrows faced by the queer each and every day.  
Mattilda 2006 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "Sweatshop-Produced Rainbow Flags and Participatory Patriarchy: Why the Gay Rights Movement Is a Sham" at http://www.mattildabernsteinsycamore.com/gayrights_lip.html-http://www.mattildabernsteinsycamore.com/gayrights_lip.html)CJQ
A gay elite has hijacked queer struggle, and positioned their desires as everyone’s needs
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let’s just convince the Christian right to accept us on their own terms.
And, we need spaces that are QUEER and not merely GAY. The gay rights movement has calcified into a movement to bring wealthy gay men into the ownership of capitalist modes of production. We’re bashed, beaten, abused and dismissed not only by straight patriarchs but MOST VICIOUSLY by gay men who have internalized a strategy of assimilation into straight civil society and who react with SHAME, FEAR and UNCANNY TERROR at the sight of the poor, drug-addicted queer who doesn’t live FOR society, but IN SPITE OF IT.
Mattilda 2006 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "Sweatshop-Produced Rainbow Flags and Participatory Patriarchy: Why the Gay Rights Movement Is a Sham" at http://www.mattildabernsteinsycamore.com/gayrights_lip.html-http://www.mattildabernsteinsycamore.com/gayrights_lip.html)CJQ
The reality is that while San Francisco still shelters outsider queer cultures unimaginable in most
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wine, and toasting Gavin Newsom as the vanguard leader of gay civil rights

Tournament: USC | Round: 1 | Opponent: Georgetown BM | Judge: Izak Dunn

1NC vs Georgetown BM

Heterosexual society is a series of spaces in which the queer is unsafe and vulnerable to violence. To live as a queer is to experience an indefinite detention within heterosexual society: verbal assaults transform even the most basic of educational experiences into rote memorization of queer inferiority, an inferiority proven to be an actual social fact on asphalt streets where queers are kicked 26 bashed, produced as a fleshy and discursive body simultaneously policed, disciplined, and exterminated by a population empowered to openly hate us and to have their hatred protected by the conventions of straight society.
Lamble 2011 (S. Transforming Carceral Logics: 10 Reasons to Dismantle the Prison Industrial Complex Through Queer/Trans Analysis and Action in "Captive Genders: Trans Embodiment and the Prison-Industrial Complex" ed. Eric Stanley and Dean Spade, Pp 235-236)CJQ
2. Queer, trans, and gender-non-conforming people, particularly
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, survival often means working in criminalized economies like drug and sex trade.
This incarceration is truly indefinite—whether homeless and on the street or trapped in a closet within the family space, queer/trans people continue to be subject to forms of constraint and captivity that heterosexuals are socially protected from ever experiencing. Trans persons are alienated from their own bodies and queers are alienated from their own desires, constituting everyday life as a life-in-capture,
Stevens 2011 (Eric, Fugitive Flesh: Gender Self-Determination, Queer Abolition, and Trans Resistance in "Captive Genders: Trans Embodiment and the Prison-Industrial Complex" ed. Eric Stanley and Dean Spade Pp 7-8)CJQ
Many trans/queer youth learn how to survive in a hostile world. Often
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queer folks that their lives will be intimately bound with the legal system.
This impact is an ontological captivity that gives way to very real physical violence. The sexualization of violence transforms queer life into a life that is near-death, into a type of life vulnerable to its own extermination. From the mythic past of Sodom and Gomorrah to the sexualized and gendered program of colonization, straight society has always captured, incarcerated and obliterated queer corporality in a ritual purgation of its own sinfulness, moralizing queer extermination as a form of social "common sense" indispensable to antiqueer straight supremacy.
Stanley 2011 (Eric, "Near Life, Queer Death Overkill and Ontological Capture," Social Text 107 s Vol. 29, No. 2 s Summer 2011)CJQ
 "Dirty faggot21" Or simply, "Look, a Gay21"

These words launch a bottle from a passing car window, the target my awaiting
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of knowing antiqueer violence that can provisionally withstand the weight of generality.4
Overkill is ontologically different from other types of violence: the law protects and sustains these forms of violence by treating them as criminal aberrations or as individual homophobia, failing to conceptualize the possibility that heterosexual society founds itself through a bargain bought at the price of queer life. The first question for this debate must be "what does it mean to do violence to what is nothing." Until that question has been answered we can have no further impact calculus.
Stanley 2011 (Eric, "Near Life, Queer Death Overkill and Ontological Capture," Social Text 107 s Vol. 29, No. 2 s Summer 2011)CJQ
Overkill is a term used to indicate such excessive violence that it pushes a body
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, what it must mean, to do violence to what is nothing.
The only OPTION is COMPLETE ABOLITION of the prison-industrial complex: our alternative is to situate yourself in complete opposition to the PIC without reservation and in every possible instance. Asking the question "what does it mean to do violence to what is nothing" reveals the hollow ground of straight supremacy: embrace queerness as a political project in dismantling the walls of each and every form of captivity.
Stevens 2011 (Eric, Fugitive Flesh: Gender Self-Determination, Queer Abolition, and Trans Resistance in "Captive Genders: Trans Embodiment and the Prison-Industrial Complex" ed. Eric Stanley and Dean Spade Pp 8-9)CJQ
Living through these forms of domination are also moments of devastating resistance where people working
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continue the struggle to make this dream of the future, lived today.
Their affirmative fails methodologically in the face of queer suffering and reifies the "common sense" of the prison regime—any permutation is inappropriate to remedy this injustice. To embrace a queer abolitionism is to identify heterosexism, capitalism and white supremacy as an intertwined network of power that acts to mark and exterminate some bodies and not others—the plan is unwilling to address foundational violence.
Dillon 2011 (Stephen, Prof. Hampshire College, The Only Freedom I Can See: Imprisoned Queer Writing and the Politics of the Unimaginable in "Captive Genders: Trans Embodiment and the Prison-Industrial Complex" ed. Eric Stanley and Dean Spade, Pp 172-173)CJQ
R highlights the ways that heteronormativity is not only is central to the prisons’ daily
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foundational to it, making subjects on all sides of the prison walls.

The reformist approach is inappropriate in light of this reality of vulnerability and carceral exposure: tolerating the prison system means tolerating systematized racism, heterosexism and misogyny and to advocate it in any instance is the same as advocating for the disproportionate extermination of queers. Any permutations are intolerable.
Lamble 2011 (S. Transforming Carceral Logics: 10 Reasons to Dismantle the Prison Industrial Complex Through Queer/Trans Analysis and Action in "Captive Genders: Trans Embodiment and the Prison-Industrial Complex" ed. Eric Stanley and Dean Spade, Pp 243-244)CJQ
4. Prisons are harmful, violent, and damaging places, especially for queer
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disenfranchisement and exclusion from citizenship rights, the violence of imprisonment is undeniable.

2NC vs Georgetown BM

Do not hide behind the rainbow flag—the language of multicultural inclusion and pacification is the constant move of authoritarians everywhere, espousing the goodwill of the masters. Make this debate a direct action extravaganza.
Mattilda 2011 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "An Interview with Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore," http://wewhofeeldifferently.info/interview.php?interview=110)CJQ
Most people with power hide behind the rainbow flag and figure out ways to oppress
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hypocrisy, not just of mainstream gay people but also of all hypocrites. 

The law proceeds through a violent mathematics of mimesis that reproduces queer difference as similarity, which prevents the recognition of queerness in the law. This reproduces a violent and exclusionary order centered around the extermination of the queer – the institution of the closet privatizes sexuality which codes antiqueer violence as individual behavior, straight-washing the systematic and structural violence done to the queer body which makes possible the fruits of civil society. The revolutionary queer position dismantles the heterosexist myth of the law—don’t be seduced by their impacts of narrative legislation. You have two queers right here trying to tell you OUR narrative of incarceration.
Stanley 2011 (Eric, "Near Life, Queer Death Overkill and Ontological Capture," Social Text 107 s Vol. 29, No. 2 s Summer 2011)CJQ
Thinking violence as individual acts versus epistemic force works to support the normative and normalizing
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and discursive formation of antiqueer, along with many other forms of violence.
They isolate the moment of redaction as the moment of erasure but straight society ensures that queers can never enter into a moment of identification that would make such erasure possible: this means that their aff is unable to account for the antiqueerness that takes place not EXCEPTIONALLY but as the foundation of mundane civil life.
Edelman 2004 (Lee, Prof. English Tufts, "No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive," Pp. 4-5)CJQ
Rather than rejecting, with liberal discourse, this ascription of negativity to the queer
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argue, a negation of this primal, constitutive, and negative act.
Incorporating gendered reforms within the state’s prison is the worst possible idea; the state will redeploy its reforms as justifications to build further prisons, since it will always be enforcing gender norms and regulations. The alternative is radical queer abolition; the permutation is the double-speak of academic criminology and white feminism that will lead to trans-specific prisons, which is nothing other than cages set aside to punish trans and queers.
Huang 2011 (Vanessa, gender wars: state changing shape, passing to play, and body of our movements  in Captive Genders: Trans Embodiment and the Prison-Industrial Complex" ed. Eric Stanley and Dean Spade, Pp 283)CJQ
These policy proposals were part of a coordinated and growing movement pushing prison expansion in
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/gender oppression more generally—by way of trans-specific prisons.
Queerness cannot be combined with their positive political program—queer is complete rejection of the tyranny of normalcy; recognizing the daily extermination and violence enacted against the queer and actually trying to do something about it requires that we also move away from things like the state. Any risk that any part of the plan or the rhetorical performance of the 1AC requires that a queer revolution fight against it. To quote the Mary Nardini gang:
(Mary Nardini gang, clandestine criminal queers from Wisconsin, "Toward the Queerest Insurrection," available at http://zinelibrary.info/files/QueerestImposed.pdf-http://zinelibrary.info/files/QueerestImposed.pdf)

Queer is not merely another identity that can be tacked onto a list of neat
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speak of queer as a conflict with all domination, we mean it.
For the queer every walk home is an encounter with the specter of Matthew Sheppard and a governmental regime of securitization which subjects the queer body both to extra-legal violence in the form of queer bashings and the biopolitical affirmation of heterosexism; the risk of violence brought by standing outside of the closet constantly follows the queer in every step they take where they would announce their presence. Their demand that we have two separate  but equal political positions FAILS to account for the ways in which antiqueerness is itself a form of captivity—their permutation is blatant denialism.
Lamble 2011 (S. Transforming Carceral Logics: 10 Reasons to Dismantle the Prison Industrial Complex Through Queer/Trans Analysis and Action in "Captive Genders: Trans Embodiment and the Prison-Industrial Complex" ed. Eric Stanley and Dean Spade, Pp 243-244)CJQ
4. Prisons are harmful, violent, and damaging places, especially for queer
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disenfranchisement and exclusion from citizenship rights, the violence of imprisonment is undeniable.
Their focus on political solutions fails – queer politics must take the form of an absolute rejection of the order of straight society: their focus on positive political solutions only makes possible new forms of straight domination.
Edelman 2004 (Lee, Prof. English Tufts, "No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive," Pp. 4-5)CJQ
Rather than rejecting, with liberal discourse, this ascription of negativity to the queer
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only in the process of abjecting that constancy of access onto the queer.

Queer specificity is crucial in the fight against heterosexism: There’s an assimilation disad to the perm; the perm overcodes queer difference within a heterosexist order by folding queer activism within a straight frame of reference—affirming the particularity of queer positionality is a prior question.
Bersani 2010 (Leo, Prof. French at UC – Berkeley, "Is the Rectum a Grave? And other essays," Pp. 40-41, University of Chicago Press)CJQ
The psychoanalytic inquiry can be politicized in ways generally not allowed for by queer theorists
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the bumper stickers that enjoin us to "think globally and act locally."
The end result is a self-erasing politics—any risk of a link carries a potential politics of seduction, the internalization of heterosexist desire which turns all revolutionary politics against itself.
Bersani 2010 (Leo, Prof. French at UC – Berkeley, "Is the Rectum a Grave? And other essays," Pp. 14-15, University of Chicago Press)CJQ
The dead seriousness of the gay commitment to machismo (by which I of course
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and confuses impulses to appropriate and to identify with the object of desire.

Tournament: UNLV | Round: 4 | Opponent: Texas DS | Judge: Eisenstadt

Uncle Sam 1NC

American citizenship constructs itself originally and ontologically through the irrational and systematic exclusion of homosexual queerness. This exclusion is then eroticized—the underlying libidinal economy of heterosexuality is structured by the gratuitous violence that it can enact on the queer body.

Hegemony emerges as an irrational demand for power—an insistence on the part of a heterosexist unconscious to fill the gap left by the sex-o-cide enacted on the queer.

A kinky Uncle Sam jumps in, commanding that the lack be deployed as violent, erotic warfare—war is hetero-sexualized. This is an ONTOLOGICAL claim, not a POLITICAL claim—this irrationality comes prior to any other impact framing.

Hope 1994 (Trevor, PhD Comp. Lit at Cornell, "Melancholic Modernity: The Hom(m)osexual Symptom and the Homosocial Corpse," in Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies, Volume 6, Numbers 2+3 PP 174-198)CJQ
The fetishistic operations of the epistemology of the closet - an epistemology which maintains this
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the end offinger, only where a policing gaze has already entrapped it.

The obscenity that arises from the perverse and excessive violence that the heterosexist extracts from the queer ontologically materializes as the male citizen-subject who unite in civil society and found any and all citizenship on the illusory paternal command of the patriarchal Law.

Hope 1994 (Trevor, PhD Comp. Lit at Cornell, "Melancholic Modernity: The Hom(m)osexual Symptom and the Homosocial Corpse," in Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies, Volume 6, Numbers 2+3 PP 174-198)CJQ
The point, then, of this homosexual/homophobic matrix that abyssally grounds the
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significatory vanishing point capable of entering the symbolic only as a traumatic absence.

HERE’S THE ALTERNATIVE: Liberate this debate space from the structuring logic of heterosexist desire by queering citizenship and rejecting the affirmative’s libidinal attachment to American hegemony and every instance of hetero-sexism.

This alternative occupies the discursive space of the queer subject, which is the fundamental antagonism by which BOTH patriarchy and heterosexism construct themselves and creates the irrational drives to the gratuitous eroticization of war.

Hope 1994 (Trevor, PhD Comp. Lit at Cornell, "Melancholic Modernity: The Hom(m)osexual Symptom and the Homosocial Corpse," in Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies, Volume 6, Numbers 2+3 PP 174-198)CJQ
The Irigarayan account is, perhaps, correct in analyzing heterosexuality as a form of
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, degeneration, fall that informs symptomatology) in its relation to sexuality. 

The way that you should evaluate impacts is by rejecting the myth of neutrality—our subjectivities are not coded as equal by the paranoid economy of the closet enacted by Uncle Sam despite the myth of institutional reformism; social location overdetermines instrumental rationality to make epistemology laden by identity.

Hope 1994 (Trevor, PhD Comp. Lit at Cornell, "The "Returns" of Cartography: Mapping ldentity-lnDifference," in Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies, Volume 6, Numbers 2+3 PP 209-210)CJQ
The truth, of course, is that the political and representational regimes of asymmetric
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and overembodiment of others who serve the reproductive needs of the corpus socians.

Failure to incorporate the epistemologies and ontologies of our social locations GUARANTEES that white male heterosexuality remains the unmarked norm by which all others are judged—the burden of proof is on them to justify their representations at an epistemological and rhetorical level.

Winnubst 2006 (Shannon, Asst. Prof. Women’s Studies, "Queering Freedom," 2006 Pp. 47-8)CJQ
In his provocative book White, Richard Dyer argues that whiteness in the modern world
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, neutralized from and unencumbered by all material effects of power or history.

This radical queer positionality can never be coherent with any part of the affirmative’s plan—their libidinal attachment to the symbolic structures of American hegemony which embody the irrational command of Uncle Sam guarantees that queerness will be co-opted and deployed for the purposes of heterosexist domination.

Edelman 2004 (Lee, Prof. English Tufts, "No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive," Pp. 4-5)CJQ
Rather than rejecting, with liberal discourse, this ascription of negativity to the queer
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only in the process of abjecting that constancy of access onto the queer.

This is the fundamental ontological condition of the queer; elevate elaborations on the erotic attachments of U.S. hegemony, the affirmative’s discursive artifacts, and anti-queer straightness above their constructions of national extermination. Their impact construction is consistently over-determined by its reliance on the nationalization and threats of insecurity. Vote to maximize queerness.

Edelman 2004 (Lee, Prof. English at Tufts, "No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive," Pp. 134-135)CJQ
For the politics of reproductive futurism, the only politics we’re permitted to know,
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- bespeaks a drive that eludes all efforts to formulate its meaning.29

2NC

This is not an abstract or totalizing theory; the pre-rational and unconscious drives of heterosexism to exterminate queerness is an ongoing genocide – only our queer apocalypticism can undo this violent operation of sovereignty.

Sedgwick 1990 (Eve Karofsky, the queer queen, "Epistemology of the Closet," Pp. 128-129)CJQ
From at least the biblical story of Sodom and Gomorrah, scenarios of same-
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never clearly distinguishable from a broader, apocalyptic trajectory toward something approaching omnicide.

Pretending that this debate space can enact governmental policy is a privileged fantasy—political deliberation is a luxury that only benefits white straight men. The structuring fascism of white heterosexist domination locates itself in the libidinal attachments of individuals to larger mythologies of state-power. Maximizing difference overcomes the melancholic politics of hegemony by subordinating a fetishization of sameness to the political demands of difference.

Foucault 1977 (Michel Foucault, preface to Anti-Oedipus, Penguin: London, 1977, p. xl-xiv)
During the years 1945-1965 (I am referring to Europe), there was
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constant generator of de-individualization. Do not become enamored of power.

This is the only meaningful topic research – signing the ballot does not do anything outside of this room – queering citizenship exposes American exceptionalism as founded upon a desire at the root of privilege and can resist the everyday instances of rhetorical and libidinal attachment to the state’s warmongering. Only our framing can account for the domestic use of war powers for anti-black, anti-queer and anti-woman imperialism.

Rodriguez 2010 (Dylan, Prof. Ethnic Studies at UC-Riverside, "The Terms of Engagement: Warfare, White Locality, and Abolition," Critical Sociology 2010 36: 151)CJQ
’The state’ is fundamentally a conceptual term that refers to a mind-boggling
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apparatus for battle in the domestic urban theater of the war on drugs.

Institutions have failed queer politics—heterosexuals overtake every organization, soaking up critical energies and turning every revolutionary agenda into a centrist and self-concerned interest group incapable of forging radical alterantives.

Mattilda 2011 (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore, self-described "gender queer, faggot, and a queen, on the trans continuum," radical activist, writer, troublemaker, "An Interview with Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore," http://wewhofeeldifferently.info/interview.php?interview=110)CJQ
MBS: Unfortunately gay liberation failed. It failed because the original goals, end
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institution that does nothing except take people’s money and speak to the center. 

Heterosexuals consolidate control over queer institutions by swaying them with the rhetoric of pacifism and civil reform over time—these are death sentences for queer revolution.

Doyle 2008 (Vincent, Prof. Cultural and Media Studies, "But Joan21 You’re My Daughter21" The Gay and Lesbian Alliance against Defamation and the Politics of Amnesia"  Radical Historical Review Winter 2008 2008(100))CJQ
Historians conventionally narrate the history of the LGBT movement in terms of the dialectical tug
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over themselves to land a piece of the burgeoning gay and lesbian consumer market

We have a new set of axioms for politics, the most important of which is this: PEOPLE ARE DIFFERENT FROM EACH OTHER. All of their institutionality arguments fail to accommodate the uncontainable difference at the heart of political identity.

Sedgwick 1990 (Eve Karofsky, the queer queen, "Epistemology of the Closet," Pp. 22-24)CJQ
Axiom 1: People are different from each other. It is astonishing how few
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unstable ways in which people may be like or different from each other. 

It’s fucked up to make us participate in institutions that exterminate the queer—politicians can still openly talk about the perversion inherent to queerness—religious employers are allowed to fire queers at-will; there is no institutional framework that can account for the queerness of the queer, at best we’ll be assimilated. This is the ontological condition of heterosexist institutions.

Sedgwick 1990 (Eve Karofsky, the queer queen, "Epistemology of the Closet," Pp. 41-42)CJQ
In particular, my fear is that there currently exists no framework in which to
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, hygienic Western fantasy of a world without any more homosexuals in it.

The perm is just another part of this Ponzi Scheme; existing imperialist forces will soak up radical queer energies. American hegemony is structurally build on the systematic but inconsistent incorporation and incarceration of queer subjects—violence is sexualized to the extent that it is hetero-sexualized.

Puar 2007 (Jaspir, Prof. Women’s and Gender Studies at Rutgers University, "Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times," Pp. 14-15)CJQ
One mapping of the folding of homosexuals into the reproductive valorization of living-technologies
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which the ghosts, the absent presences, infuse ontology with a difference.

And, this severance demonstrates the extent to which heterosexist ideology can claim to accommodate for queerness—the permutation will give up on the movement before any kind of solvency ever attains.

Ruiz 2008 (Jason, Asst. Prof. American Studies, "The Violence of Assimilation: An Interview with Mattilda aka Matt Bernstein Sycamore" Radical Historical Review Winter 2008 2008(100))CJQ
What I’m interested in exploring is how intersections emerge in unexpected ways. Coalitional politics
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that police brutality because that is the violence that’s going on around me.

DO not let them speak on our behalf—white universality assumes a capacity to speak for all persons in all places without respect to embodiment—make them justify why they think that they get to advocate on my behalf even after they know they’re being heterosexist.

Alcoff 1991 (Linda, Prof. Philosophy at Hunter College, "The Problem of Speaking for Others," at http://www.alcoff.com/content/speaothers.html)CJQ
The recognition that there is a problem in speaking for others has followed from the
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legitimate authority, and if so, what are the criteria for legitimacy?