Tournament: Cedanats | Round: 2 | Opponent: Liberty Call-Crane | Judge: Walters

1AC

The status quo represents the immigrant as a criminal who must be caught captured and detained. This narrative has resulted in the mass indefinite detention of whole swaths of immigrant populations.

Tan 2011(Michael. "Locked up without end. The Indefinite Detention of Immigrants will not make American Safer" October 2011.)

One of the ugliest myths in the immigration debate is that immigrants are more likely
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per year6¶ —while doing little to improve ¶ public safety. ¶ 

This narrative of the immigrant as criminal is a manifestation of the policing paradigm that operates structurally within U.S. civil society. Those who are criminalized are systematically subjected to wanton violence, not in spite of, but because of institutionalized norms.  But the functioning of white supremacy requires that this violence be ignored or considered solely as "isolated incidents" in order for society to maintain its ethical coherence.

Martinot 26 Sexton 2003 ~Steve 26 Jared, Steve is a lecturer at San Francisco State University in the Center for Interdisciplinary Programs Jared is Associate Professor African American Studies School of Humanities Associate Professor, Film 26 Media Studies School of Humanities at UC Irvine Ph.D., University of California, Berkeley, Comparative Ethnic Studies, "The Avant-Garde of White Supremacy, Social Identities, Volume 9, Number 2, 2003 p.171-172~

There were local movements in each of these cities to protest acts of police murder
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before the enormity of the usual, of the business of civil procedures.

This narrative of criminalization of the brown body results in the internalization of self-hatred and destruction.

Viego 2007(Viego, Antonio. Dead subjects: Toward a politics of loss in Latino studies. Duke University Press, 2007.) 

The precocious Mexican American boy’s Foucauldian query in the opening epigraph to this chapter is
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Piri Thomas, "Maybe God is psychology, or psychology is God?"

The policing paradigm is a result of structures of white supremacy which enable the United States to exert genocidal violence throughout the world.

Rodriguez, 2007 (Dylan Rodriguez, Professer University of California Riverside, November 2007 Kritika Kultura "AMERICAN GLOBALITY   AND THE U. S. PRISON REGIME:  STATE VIOLENCE AND WHITE SUPREMACY FROM ABU GHRAIB TO STOCKTON    TO BAGONG DIWA"  Available online at http://www.ateneo.edu/ateneo/www/UserFiles/121/docs/KK09-http://www.ateneo.edu/ateneo/www/UserFiles/121/docs/KK09.)

Variable, overlapping, and mutually constituting white supremacist regimes have in fact been fundamental
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American globality and constitute the common sense that is organic to its ordering.

Thus, Kristiana and I affirm that war powers should not be used against identity.

But how should we understand and contextualize the criminalization of Latina/o immigrants? We should root our analysis of this in the history of racial domination and racialized violence in the United States. Criminalization of migrants is rooted in the same logics that justified slavery and the subordination of and violence towards black populations within the United States. Understanding these oppressions as connected allows us to displace the competition paradigm.

Escobar 2010(Martha Escobar. "Understanding the Roots of Latina Migrants’ Captivity" Pg.8  2010.)
By rooting the criminalization of Latina migrants within the longer history of captivity experienced by
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racialized and gendered methodologies used in the constant remaking of the United States. 

Don’t get us wrong-we’re not equating the oppression of black and brown people in the United States but rather using the paradigm of the black/white binary as a way to understand the relationship between these oppressions because it is foundational to the United States.

Brooks 26 Wider ’10 ~Roy. L and Kirsten, Critical Race Legal Professors at Berkeley, In Defense of the Black/White Binary: Reclaiming a Tradition of Civil Rights Scholarship, Berkeley Journal of African-American Law 26 Policy,12 Berkeley J. Afr.-Am. L. 26 Pol’y 107~

To begin with, African Americans are the only group to arrive in this country
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Americans carry the weight of the atrocities - slavery and Jim Crow... n15

Only using the black/white binary accounts for exclusion and inclusion- the aff opens up space for those deemed "in the middle" to choose whether or not to continue to prop up white supremacy.

Olson ’04 (Joel Olson, Professor of Political Science at Northern Arizona University, The Abolition of White Democracy, Minnesota Press, 2004.)

Dualisms are increasingly out of fashion in political theory. They are often regarded as
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to a theoretical understanding of race in the post–civil rights era. 

Using the black/white binary as an analytical tool does not erase or do violence to the experiences of those who are in the middle but enables people to come to grips with their own implication in structures of racism.

Yancy ’05 (Intro - George Yancy ed., Professor Philosophy Duquesne University, white on white/black on black.)

I would like to make it clear that I realize that the self-Other
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within and between the critical cadre of both white philosophers and Black philosophers.

Tournament: UNT | Round: 1 | Opponent: Kansas State Jackson-Stebbins | Judge: Morgan
7/2/2013, Abdelhadi Faraj is a Syrian national who has been in U.S. custody since 2002. At Guantánamo, the U.S. military assigned him Internment Serial Number (ISN) 329. Faraj was cleared for release by a U.S. government interagency taskforce in 2010, yet he remains imprisoned at Guantánamo today. This article was translated from the Arabic by his attorney, Ramzi Kassem. The article was posted at: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/abdelhadi-faraj/guantanamo-hunger-strike_b_3536463.html-http://www.huffingtonpost.com/abdelhadi-faraj/guantanamo-hunger-strike_b_3536463.html

This is my call to the outside world from behind these rusty bars
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 forced into my penis if I kept up my peaceful protest.

This testimony demonstrates what life is like for those indefinitely detained in Guantanamo. The daily humiliation and violence suffered by those who are considered ungrievable. The very nature of indefinite detention is illegal, which allows state to do anything to anyone. This logic culminates in the elimination of entire populations.

Butler, Maxine Elliot Professor in Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at UC-Berkeley, 2004
(Judith, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, page 67-68, gjm)

These acts of state are themselves not grounded in law, but in another form
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, even as one’s situation is highly, if not fatally, politicized.

The prime example is Guantanamo. A site free from American laws, it is used to exercise domination over ’illegal combatants’

Newman and Levine 6 (*Saul, Professor of Political Science at Goldsmiths College, Michael P, Professor of Philosophy at University of Western Australia, "War, Politics and Race¶ Reflections on Violence in the ’War on Terror’," Theoria, Volume 53, Number 110, August 2006 , pp. 23-49(27), DS)

In this sense,¶ we would suggest that Guantanamo should not be seen as an
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/politics/race nexus whose genealogy we are exploring in this paper.

Prisoners live without rights in a violent facility where sovereignty controls the power of life and death without repercussion. This is the logic of the war on terror where warfare becomes indistinguishable from life itself

Newman and Levine 6 (*Saul, Professor of Political Science at Goldsmiths College, Michael P, Professor of Philosophy at University of Western Australia, "War, Politics and Race¶ Reflections on Violence in the ’War on Terror’," Theoria, Volume 53, Number 110, August 2006 , pp. 23-49(27), DS)

Paradigmatic of this new warlike global liberal order, and the state of¶ exception
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opened when the principle of warfare begins to become indistinguishable from everyday life.

Media and politicians obfuscate the impact of detention on individuals detained which allows the people to critically distance themselves from vulnerable populations. This closes off a critical perspective on the war on terror.

Butler, Maxine Elliot Professor in Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at UC-Berkeley, 2004
(Judith, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, page 5-7, gjm)

Our own acts of violence do not receive graphic coverage in the press, and
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long-term implications for the future shape and possibility of global cooperation.

But the violence against identifiable bodies of detainees fails to satisfy the ideological goal of eradicating terrorists generally. Requiring a constant ratcheting up of violence the logic of which culminates in extinction. The very idea of ’illegal combatants’ discursively devalues life and enacts violence. Only commemorating those subject to detention through an obituary reestablishes value to those subject to state violence in the war on terror.

Butler, Maxine Elliot Professor in Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at UC-Berkeley, 2004
(Judith, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, page 33-35, gjm)

If violence is done against those who are unreal, then, from the perspective
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also, in the media, for the most part unmarkable and ungrievable.

Indefinite detention directly polices the acceptable range of political activities in America and around the world. Any hegemonic understanding of politics devalues critical contributions from negated lives. Debate itself is impossible in a world of indefinite detention. The aff is a necessary prerequisite to allowing open and democratic deliberation. Not just in the content of the war on terror but on the acceptable range of the public sphere in the first place. Only deciding the question of what counts as a life allows for debate.

Butler, Maxine Elliot Professor in Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at UC-Berkeley, 2004
(Judith, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, page xix-xvi, gjm)

Dissent and debate depend upon the inclusion of those who maintain critical views of state
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as the ability to think critically and publicly about the effects of war. 

We affirm a politics of grief for those vulnerable to the United States policy of indefinite detention

This grief recognizes a common vulnerability that forms the basis for a shared existence the political project both leads to a broad discussion of indefinite detention and opens a debate about the tactics used in the war on terror generally making war far less likely

Butler, Maxine Elliot Professor in Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at UC-Berkeley, 2004
(Judith, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, page 30-32, gjm)

Is there something to be gained from grieving, from tarrying with grief, from
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such fast and furious support and will not even qualify as "grievable."

But we must engage in grieving on an individual level an externalization of our ethical responsibility onto institutions makes violence inevitable and makes an ethical orientation impossible.

Rozo, MA in philosophy and Cultural Analysis, 2004 Diego, Forgiving the Unforgivable: On Violence, Power, and the Possibility of Justice  p 19-21

Within the legal order the relations between individuals will resemble this logic where  suffering is
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– the law  infiltrates into and seeks to rule our most private conflicts.

We as individuals must realize our moral culpability in allowing acts of State violence. Focus on institutions only kills agency and makes violence inevitable.

Kappeler 95 — Associate Professor at Al-Akhawayn University (Susanne, The Will to Violence: The Politics of Personal Behaviour, pg. 75-76, DS)

War does not suddenly break out in a peaceful society; sexual violence is not
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our values’ according to the structures and the values of war and violence.