Tournament: Dislosure | Round: 1 | Opponent: ooo | Judge: xxx
_. Biopolitical kritik has to precede their Marxist politics, otherwise, the notion of state power will coopt any communal alternative.

Agamben, 1998 (Giorgio, Homo Sacer:  Sovereign Power and Bare Life, 11-12)

Carl Schmitt's definition of … have been shipwrecked.

_. Biopower leads to capitalism justifying control and killing

Crome, lecturer at Manchester College, 2009
Kieth, The Nihilistic Affirmation Of Life: Biopower And Biopolitics In The Will To Knowledge, 2009, http://www.parrhesiajournal.org/parrhesia06/parrhesia06_crome.pdf, Accessed 7-10.09)

For Foucault, the … that transformed human life.

Tournament: Dislosure | Round: 1 | Opponent: ooo | Judge: xxx
The aff’s exercise of power juridical anarchism injects the demos into democracy. Any resolution that addresses war powers has to be truly democratic.

Butler, 1993. (Dr. Judith, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of Sex) pg. 52-53

The regulation of sexuality ... exclusions by which we proceed.

The Ballot is a performative act – the ballot is a discourse exercising binding power. Every ballot matter – repetition is what confers power on the performative act. 

Butler, 1993. (Dr. Judith, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of Sex) pg. 225

Performative acts are forms ... a chain of binding convention.

They mistake instruction for education. Instruction imparts a predetermined dogma of supposedly fair ground built into the resolution. They loathe and resist the inevitable democratic outbursts from students that challenge this in the name of radical education.

Ranciere, 2006. (Jacques, EGS). Hatred of Democracy. Verso. Pg. 25-29. ZDS

The debate therefore seemed ... principle of sexual division and of kinship.

Control over the frame of perception stops affs from accessing education or exercising agency outside of the scripts we already had before the round.

Butler, 2009. (Judith, EGS and Cal Berkeley). Frames of War. Verso. Pg. 65-66. ZDS

Embedded reporting has taken... extent of what is perceived to exist.

Agency requires the aff. Without understanding how power operates against identities, we cannot take successful action.

Butler, 2009. (Judith, EGS and Cal Berkeley). Frames of War. Verso. Pg. 65-66. ZDS

In a recent exchange, 1 ... "ground" of normative debate?

Tournament: Surely | Round: 7 | Opponent: USC | Judge: Dunn
Academics are on the brink. The drive for policy relevance and scholarly accumulation sustains an industry of racism, sexism, ableism and classism. Academics isn’t a place where radical politics are simply shut down, it is the genesis of the theoretical support for the war on terrorism.

Ruffolo, 2009. (David, lecturer at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education). Post-Queer Politics. ZDS

The accumulation of academic capital is not, as Nitzan and Bichler (2002) explain, an absolute accumulation but a differential accumulation. For example, academic bodies do not strive to accumulate existing knowledges in order to arrive at a definitive wealth. In contrast, they seek to accumulate knowledge to control academic processes: “their capitalised profit represents a claim not for a share of the output, but for a share of control over the social process” (36). Academic life functions through differential accumulation where academic bodies seek to “beat the average”: Although capitalists exert their power over society, they measure it relative to other owners. Under modern conditions, capitalists are impelled not to maximize profit as such, but to ‘beat the average’;; they measure their differential accumulation as the difference between the growth rate of their own assets, and that of the average. This differential drive enables us to relate accumulation to the dynamic re-shaping of society: in order to accumulate differentially, leading capitalists have to constantly re-structure the underlying power institutions on which their relative profitability relies. (11) Differential accumulation highlights the shift from discipline to control by redefining academic spaces (i.e., knowledge canons;; organizations;; committees) through the control of academic processes. It not only adds to the academic body’s “share of total profit and capitalisation” but it results in the ability to “shape the process of social change” (38). Sabotage, for example, is central to these flows of production where production is strategically limited. Although Nitzan and Bichler largely refer to corporations, connections can easily be made between postsecondary institutions and multinational corporations that support academic sabotage through, for instance, endowments that result in allocating funds to specific departments, research projects, and faculty members. These endowments at the very least require that research and teaching practices reflect the ideologies of the benefactors if not mandate the direction of scholarly activities. Differential accumulation is alive and well in the academy and although Nitzan and Bichler claim that capital “is neither a material entity, nor a productive process” we clearly see the material affects of capital through the intensification of academic bodies. The result of such intensities is that academic bodies are negotiated through their exchange potential: the applicability of research areas to corporate sectors;; the marketability of publications;; the productivity and efficiency of courses as measured by enrollment numbers. Academic bodies have no choice but to deterritorialize in order to attain value that can reterritorialize the body that can subsequently be deterritorialized once again through exchange processes. They are no longer coherent organisms but flows of production: a distinction cannot be made between what is produced and who produces it. Research becomes pure intensification when there are no limits for academic productivity because academic bodies are involved in every aspect of production. They produce and consume themselves as they produce surplus value in order to attain purchasing power that can purchase the products they produce. This is not to suggest that all academic bodies share the same potential to produce and purchase.9 Racism, classism, sexism, and ableism are certainly woven through the fabric of higher education. While some bodies have an increased potential to produce and subsequently purchase, other bodies require higher degrees of bodily intensification in order to attain purchasing power. Higher education does not overcode its citizens in the same way as the despotic barbarian (see plateau four). In contrast, the academy is produced through the decoded flows of the academic socius. In other words, the academy does not necessarily overcode its citizens with racism, classism, sexism, and ableism but acts as a force that produces particular inequitable flows. I am arguing that the academy-at-large is produced by racism, classism, and sexism through the intensification of bodies. For example, the increasing trend to hire contractually limited appointments over tenure-stream positions, the fact that research grants are often awarded to the “hard sciences” over the humanities and social sciences, and the reality that untenured faculty often teach more courses with larger class sizes speak to how academic bodies on the “periphery” must produce higher levels of surplus value to benefit the “center.” For instance, a female professor in a male-dominated field may be denied tenure as a result of not being able to access research time because she does not have an external research grant and is therefore required to teach numerous courses at multiple postsecondary institutions with high teacher-to-student ratios. The traditional “core versus periphery” model is deterritorialized in control societies because everyone and everything is a production of production. With that said, those working in minoritized academic fields—quite often critical scholars working within feminist, queer, anti-racist, ability, and post-colonial frameworks—usually experience higher degrees of intensification at the expense of majoritized disciplines because they must produce more in order to attain purchasing power.
We have to position ourselves as becoming-academics, producing knowledge for the sake of production, not some policy-driven telos. This requires shorting out the productive tension between activism and scholarship.

Ruffolo, 2009. (David, lecturer at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education). Post-Queer Politics. ZDS

Without recounting the arguments outlined in plateau one, let me restate that the inscriptive techniques and performative reiterations above are limiting because of their roots in disciplinary practices. The shift from discipline to control calls for new ways to think about academic life because bodies are no longer confined to specific spaces and tasks but are controlled through such mechanisms as access and information. this shift is continuous and so i am not suggesting that disciplinary practices have ended (or will end anytime soon) and all we have now are control mechanisms. I am more concerned with the limitations of a politics based in representations, significations, and identifications and how such lenses can not account for the complexity of contemporary control mechanisms. like the preceding plateaus, this one seeks to plateau subjugated subjectivities by accounting for a post-queer politics of higher education that is read through dialogical-becomings rather than subjective inscriptions, reiterations, deviations, or capacities. Consequently, this plateau will explore the dividualities of control societies rather than the individualities of disciplinary societies that materialize subjects through discourse. This entails a consideration of academic life through assemblages of desiring-machines that produce flows. For example, the hand-machine connects to a pen-machine that connects to a paper-machine that produces ideas on paper; the mouth-machine connects to a microphone-machine that connects to a speaker-machine to produce a seminar at a conference. in other words, I am interested in moving away from a consideration of how academic bodies are defined by what they are (representations, significations, identification) so as to think critically about what they can do (dialogical-becomings). This requires that movement does not refer back to a completely whole subject (arborescence) because it is indefinitely changing by creating and breaking flows (rhizomes). The dialogical-becomings of academia are therefore not defined by arborescence where the academic subject is defined by the sum of its multiple parts. In contrast, they are rhizomatic: the “academic body” is a multiplicity of intersecting lines that is not a structure but a system that is “acentered, nonhierarchical, and nonsignifying” (Deleuze and Guiattari 1987, 21). When we think of academic bodies through rhizomatics, everything is a production of production. This moves us away from thinking about academic subjects through the production of products: articles, books, lectures, and conference presentations (even though these productions are still a part of the metaproductions of academic life). Production becomes pure immanence: production for the benefit of production. Rather than thinking about how academic subjects are represented through their un/intelligibilities, scholarly “identities” are conversely networked through flows that are created, interrupted, and created again. The academic “subject” becomes a rhizome that is plugged into an academic machine: The rhizome is reducible neither to the one nor the multiple...it is composed not of units but of dimensions, or rather directions in motion. It has neither beginning nor end, but always a middle (milieu) from which it grows and which it overspills...When a multiplicity of this kind changes dimension, it necessarily changes in nature as well, undergoes a metamorphosis. (Deleuze and Guattari 1987, 21) The academic body as machine is therefore never completely whole but is a complex milieu as an ongoing metamorphosis. It is, for example, continuously transforming itself through concepts in lectures, conferences, and publications rather than being represented by, in, or through them. as Massumi explains: A concept is a brick. It can be used to build the courthouse of reason. Or it can be thrown through the window. What is the subject of the brick? The arm that throws it? The body connected to the arm? The brain encased in the body? The situation that brought brain and body to such juncture? All and none of the above...Because the concept in its unrestrained usage is a set of circumstances, at a volatile juncture. It is a vector: the point of application of a force moving through a space at a given velocity in a given direction. The concept has no subject or object other than itself. It is an act. (1992, 5-6) In other words, scholarly identities are never fully achieved with degrees, academic ranks, or number of publications (even though these factors certainly come into play in, for example, job applications, tenure-review processes, and academic promotion). To think of academia through dialogical-becomings is to consider how academic bodies are forever metamorphosizing. Academic dialogical-becomings are not defined by their relationships to something that already exists (institutional affiliations; association memberships) but are produced through concepts not yet in existence (conversations at conferences; responses to publications; interactions with colleagues). The dialogical- becomings of higher education are always becoming-other as thresholds that connect two multiplicities.

Tournament: CEDA | Round: 6 | Opponent: UMKC WC | Judge: Stevenson
1AC
In the ongoing American war on terrorism, indefinite detention at places like Guantanamo Bay operates through a process of deeming where subjects are stripped of corporeality, unable to present a body before the law.

Shomura, 2010. (Chad, PhD candidate in Political Science at Johns Hopkins). “‘These are the Bad
People’: Enemy Combatants and the Homopolitics of the ‘War on Terror.’” Theory and Event. 13.12010). Project MUSE. ZDS

Given its appropriation by discourses and images of danger, the body of Padilla may
AND
this "war on terror" - captured and produced as dangerous Others.
The executive has no obligation to describe the criteria it uses for identifying enemy combatants. When accusation is sufficient to strip a subject of rights, we are all excluded.

Shomura, 2010. (Chad, PhD candidate in Political Science at Johns Hopkins). “‘These are the Bad
People’: Enemy Combatants and the Homopolitics of the ‘War on Terror.’” Theory and Event. 13.12010). Project MUSE. ZDS

In light of the state's secrecy, the Court observes that the government indeed has
AND
fell victim to this suicidal turn of democracy through the sovereign allegation.xliii
Disability studies offers a lens through which to criticize the way war, detention and power operate at affective levels and serve as embodied experiences. Moazzam Begg’s experience as a Guantanamo detainee, told in collective narratives in Brittain and Slovo’s play Guantanamo shows the complicated mechanics of racist, sexist, heteronormative, ableist power.

McRuer, 2010. (Robert, George Washington University). “Disability Nationalism in Crip Times.” Journal of Literary and Cultural Disability Studies. 4.2. ZDS

In this geopolitical context, disability studies should continually ask questions about the risks that
AND
open up new horizons for thought and action, for solidarity and coalition.
This ableist lens charts the performative establishment of arbriary norms of productivity or civility, against which bodies a punished.

Campbell 2008  Fiona Kumari Convenor of the Disability Studies major in the School of
AND
 Refusing Able(ness): A Preliminary Conversation about Ableism
Georges Canguilhem (69) states “every generality is the sign of an essence
AND
truth-claims are dependent upon discourses of ableism for their very legitimization.
There is a continuum relationship to vulnerability and disability. The ableist ontology limits out the possibility of grieving the loss of the other, this is the foundation of violence.

McGuire 2010 Anne,  Dept. Sociology And Equity Studies In EducationOntario Institute For Studies In Education, University Of Toronto Disability, Non-Disability And The Politics Of Mourning: Re-Conceiving The 'We' Disability studies quarterly, Vol 30, No 3/4 (2010)  McGuire
With "nothing else to be," Walker's life — the life of cognitive disability
AND
it is made more vulnerable, more exposed to the possibility of violence.
The President of the United States should not have the war powers authority to detain indefinitely.
Power isn’t something owned by a sovereign but operates through innumerable points. The plan text is an instance of juridical anarchy, an attempt to exercise power outside the institutional rules of power’s operation.

Shomura, 2009. (Chad, Department of Political Science at University of Hawai’i at M?noa). “Welcome to a World Without Rules: Juridical Anarchsim in the War on Terror.” Presented at the annual meeting of the Western Political Science Association: Ideas, Interests and Institutions. 19-21 March 2009. http://www.academia.edu/470517/_Welcome_to_a_World_without_Rules_Juridical_
Anarchism_in_the_War_on_Terror_. ZDS

It seems that, counterintuitively, the Bush administration is the first to lay claim
AND
, but to  stick to this letter against the fantasy which sustains it.”
Juridical anarchism is the foundation of a politics of true equality, not normalizing liberal tolerance.

Shomura, 2009. (Chad, Department of Political Science at University of Hawai’i at M?noa). “Welcome to a World Without Rules: Juridical Anarchsim in the War on Terror.” Presented at the annual meeting of the Western Political Science Association: Ideas, Interests and Institutions. 19-21 March 2009. http://www.academia.edu/470517/_Welcome_to_a_World_without_Rules_Juridical_
Anarchism_in_the_War_on_Terror_. ZDS

Jacques Rancière observes that according to elitists today, a “good democratic government”
AND
The relationship between Rancière’s democratic politics and anarchism reveals itself most clearly here.
The affirmative’s explicit focus on the body is key to understanding war not as a single event or as purely a political force, but as an embodied experience for innumerable bodies in a multitude of ways. This corrects the military normalness that makes conflict inevitable.

McSorley, 2013. (Kevin, Prof of Social, Historical and Literary Studies at the University of Portsmouth, ). War, Politics and Experience: War and the Body. Pg. 1-3. ZDS

This book places the body at the centre of critical thinking about war, giving
AND
the body that operates over time and across multiple and broad constituencies 4 .
The recognition that all subjects are embodied and experience ability, war, etc. from a multiplicity of perspectives is an ontological recognition of identity as becoming. Assemblages resist the taxonomizing of identity in favor of a politics of unintelligibility that communicates resistance.

Puar, 2007. (Jasbir, Prof of women's and gender studies at Rutgers). Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times. ZDS

For example, intervening in the circuitous debates in "lesbian studies" regarding the
AND
seen, or heard, allows for becoming beyond or without being. 32
Cannot roleplay to solve ableism, it is a process and movement we have to join.

Loewen and Pollard, 2010. (Gladys, University of Arkansas Little Rock and William, University of Massachusetts Boston). “The Social Justice Perspective.” http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ888640.pdf. ZDS

Guzman’s (2009) survey of DS providers reports that over 75 of DS
AND
process of struggle that has to be joined” (p. 90).
Policymaking cannot reconcile disability as a category of identity, the affirmative’s approach would be a prerequisite to democratic approaches.

Berube, 2005. “Disability and Disasters.” http://www.michaelberube.com/index.php/weblog/disability_and_disasters/. ZDS

Now, it’s quite true that many politicians and pundits have no idea whatsoever what
AND
 of this spring, or Sam Brownback’s Opus Dei showcase last week.

Tournament: Dislosure | Round: 1 | Opponent: ooo | Judge: xxx
A: Interpretation: Negatives should be responsible for the arguments they make. They cannot conditionally decide to forget the arguments they deployed.
B: Reasons to prefer: The deployment of language to forget past violence mirrors the American campaign to forget Vietnam, setting the stage for endless violent exceptionalism and extinction.

Spanos, 2008. (William, distinguished prof @ Binghamton, American Exceptionalism in the Age of Globalisation, ix-x)

In this book I ... also for rethinking the very idea of America.

C: Voter: This form of debate threatens to spillover outside of rounds.

Spanos and Spurlock, 2004.
William V.,Prof. of English @ Binghamton, ‘Email to Joe Miller’, November 18 2004, http://www.cross-x.com/vb/showthread.php?t=945110andhighlight=Spanos+Email

A few days ago, ... policy makers is leading.

Tournament: UMKC | Round: 1 | Opponent: Texas SK | Judge: Garcia-Lugo
Immediately after events of 9/11, the US Poet Laureate, Billy Collins, in an NPR interview said that the United States had “lost its virginity.” Emasculated, in this discourse, by an ugly brown cock, the responses to 9/11 took a homonationalist character. Terrorists were monsterized as “fags.” Lines were drawn between acceptable middle-class white queers, and queers of color.

Puar and Rai, 2002. (Jasbir K, Associate Professor of Women's and Gender Studies at Rutgers University and Amit, Associate Professor of English at Florida State University). “Monster, Terrorist, Fag: The War on Terrorism and the Production of Docile Patriots.” Social Text. 72.20.3 (2002). Project Muse. ZDS

Yet again, we could interrogate the way in which patriotism has activated and transformed
AND
kind of nationalist rhetoric, but not to the broader racist war itself.
In the ongoing “war on terror,” fought to preserve American masculinity, the construction of terrorist others as queer monsters strips perceived enemies of corporeality, allowing indefinite detention at sites like Camp Delta.

Shomura, 2010. (Chad, PhD candidate in Political Science at Johns Hopkins). “‘These are the Bad
People’: Enemy Combatants and the Homopolitics of the ‘War on Terror.’” Theory and Event. 13.12010). Project MUSE. ZDS

Given its appropriation by discourses and images of danger, the body of Padilla may
AND
this "war on terror" - captured and produced as dangerous Others.
Stripped of a body to present before the law, enemy combatants exist outside of the public politics, except as the face of irrational terror.

Butler, 2004. (Judith, Hannah Arendt professor of philosophy at the European Graduate School). Precarious
Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence. New York, NY: Verso. Pg. xvii-xix. ZDS

The Levinasian face is not precisely or exclusively a human face, although it communicates
AND
less permanent war, not all forms of mourning lead to that conclusion.
That these prisoners are called detainees reveals that the construction of the monster-terrorist-fag is performative and happens in speech acts.

Butler, 2004. (Judith, Hannah Arendt professor of philosophy at the European Graduate School). Precarious
Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence. New York, NY: Verso. Pg. 63-64. ZDS

These prisoners at Camp Delta (and formerly Camp X-Ray), detained indefinitely
AND
are final, not subject to review, and not subject to appeal.
The executive has no obligation to describe the criteria it uses for identifying enemy combatants. When accusation is sufficient to strip a subject of rights, we are all excluded.

Shomura, 2010. (Chad, PhD candidate in Political Science at Johns Hopkins). “‘These are the Bad
People’: Enemy Combatants and the Homopolitics of the ‘War on Terror.’” Theory and Event. 13.12010). Project MUSE. ZDS

In light of the state's secrecy, the Court observes that the government indeed has
AND
fell victim to this suicidal turn of democracy through the sovereign allegation.xliii
That we are all excluded does not simply mean that we are vulnerable to state, but that we already constituted as bare life, which corresponds directly to the ability of the state to take our lives at any moment and without justification.

Agamben, 1998. (Giorgio, European Graduate School). Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life. Pg. 139-140. ZDS

It is not our intention here to take a position on the difficult ethical problem
AND
category.  It now dwells in the biological body of every living being.

The impact is that these docile bodies, afraid of exclusion, carry out unlimited violence on behalf of the state.

Agathangelou et al, 2008. (Anna M., Prof of Political Science and Gender Studies at York University and Co-Director of the Global Change Institute). “Intimate Investments: Heteronomrativity: Global Lockdown, and the Seductions of Empire.” Radical History Review. Winter 2008. http://www.makezine.enoughenough.org/intimateinvestments.pdf. ZDS

To (re)consolidate itself, empire requires and solicits the production of certain
AND
” whose life and death do not even merit mention or attention.17
Terrorism risk, here, given the refusal of executive limitations, serves as an actuarial death drive. Everything is a risk at some level and the never-ending war against risk stops only when we total security is reached in extinction.

Puar and Rai, 2004. (Jasbir K, Associate Professor of Women's and Gender Studies at Rutgers University and Amit, Associate Professor of English at Florida State University. "The Remaking of Model Minority: Perverse Projectiles und the Specter of (Counter)Terrorism." Social Text, 80. 22.3 (Fall 2004). ZDS

But perhaps most crucial is the very grammar involved: the obsessive use of the
AND
, and so the spaces of resistance alternate as holding cells as well.
Independent of disciplining influence of biopolitics, sexual regulation systemically eliminates those folks that don’t fit in. 

Yep, 2003. (Gust, San Francisco State University). “The Violence of Heteronormativity in Communication Studies.” Journal of Homosexuality. 45: 2, (2003). InformaWorld. ZDS

In this passage, Simmons vividly describes the devastating pervasiveness of hatred and violence in
AND
to practice or to institutions. (p. 309, my emphasis)
The President of the United States should not have the war powers authority to detain indefinitely.
Power isn’t something owned by a sovereign but operates through innumerable points. The plan text is an instance of juridical anarchy, an attempt to exercise power outside the institutional rules of power’s operation.

Shomura, 2009. (Chad, Department of Political Science at University of Hawai’i at M?noa). “Welcome to a World Without Rules: Juridical Anarchsim in the War on Terror.” Presented at the annual meeting of the Western Political Science Association: Ideas, Interests and Institutions. 19-21 March 2009. http://www.academia.edu/470517/_Welcome_to_a_World_without_Rules_Juridical_
Anarchism_in_the_War_on_Terror_. ZDS

It seems that, counterintuitively, the Bush administration is the first to lay claim
AND
, but to  stick to this letter against the fantasy which sustains it.”
Juridical anarchism is the foundation of a politics of true equality, not normalizing liberal tolerance.

Shomura, 2009. (Chad, Department of Political Science at University of Hawai’i at M?noa). “Welcome to a World Without Rules: Juridical Anarchsim in the War on Terror.” Presented at the annual meeting of the Western Political Science Association: Ideas, Interests and Institutions. 19-21 March 2009. http://www.academia.edu/470517/_Welcome_to_a_World_without_Rules_Juridical_
Anarchism_in_the_War_on_Terror_. ZDS

Jacques Rancière observes that according to elitists today, a “good democratic government”
AND
The relationship between Rancière’s democratic politics and anarchism reveals itself most clearly here.
Limiting our understanding of fiat to decisions of elite policymakers leaves critique out of public discourse. Our expression of juridical anarchies injects democratic politics into state policy.

Butler, 2004. (Judith, Hannah Arendt professor of philosophy at the European Graduate School). Precarious
Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence. New York, NY: Verso. Pg. xvii-xix. ZDS

Dissent and debate depend upon the inclusion of those who maintain critical views of state
AND
to be central to any democracy, becomes a fugitive and suspect activity.

Tournament: Dislosure | Round: 1 | Opponent: ooo | Judge: xxx
_. Interpretation: Counterplans must be both textually and functionally competitive. That’s key to education and ground.  2AC can’t generate offense with uncompetitive counter-plans with miniscule net benefits.  And, justifies Perm do the CP.

_. Turn- voting on this limits political opposition to hate speech. The other team’s position is not representative of a politically liberatory act, but instead diverts all resistance to the mere act of prosecution, asking you to vote us guilty.

Butler, 97 (Judith, Chancellor’s professor in the department of rhetoric and comparative literature at the U of California Berkeley in 1997. Excitable Speech)

That words wound seems … reduced to the act of prosecution.

_. Turn- forcing silence locks the power of the speech into place. The terms must be used if we are to resist them.

Butler, 97 (Judith, Chancellor’s professor in the department of rhetoric and comparative literature at the U of California Berkeley in 1997. Excitable Speech)

This story underscores the …context and purpose.

_. The negative is incorrect about what causes injury – it is not a specific word that does violence it is the context in which the word is deployed – their focus on language misses the struggle against the larger systems of domination that actually commit violence

Butler, Professor of Rhetoric at Berkeley, 2004 (Judith, Judith Butler Reader, page 353)

So, when we’re thinking … the larger struggle at stake.

_. Permutation – do both – their criticism is not a reason to banish our language – the most radical alternative is to use concepts and put them under erasure at the same time.

Butler, 2000. Professor of Rhetoric at Berkeley,  (Judith, Contingency, Hegemony, Universality, page 263-264)

In my view, an …, feminist, and cultural studies.