Fighting terrorism serves the ideology of imperialism resulting in an expanded military industrial complex BOGGS 2005 Carl, Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles, Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles, Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War, isbn: 0742527727, p 96-97_-AC If the war on terrorism-however justified-serves elite power, a more AND the future implications of such desperate maneuvers might be too horrifying to contemplate.
Last month, I traveled to Yemen to study how AQAP operates and whether the AND ideology, but in the south it is mostly about poverty and corruption.” AQAP isn’t a threat—their impacts are hype Gerges 12—Prof of IR @ London School of Economics (“The Rise and Fall of Al-Qaeda: Debunking the Terrorism Narrative”, 1/3/2012, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/fawaz-gerges/the-rise-and-fall-of-alqa_b_1182003.html, CMR)
The popular uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen and Bahrain AND is a painful reminder of the European colonial legacy of domination and subjugation. No Yemeni opposition to drones Byman July/August ’13 (Daniel L, Research Director, Saban Center for Middle East Policy, Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy, Saban Center for Middle East Policy, “Why Drones Work: The Case for Washingtonand#39;s Weapon of Choice”, Foreign Affairs, http://www.brookings.edu/research/articles/2013/06/17-drones-obama-weapon-choice-us-counterterrorism-byman, CMR)
FOREIGN FRIENDS¶ It is also telling that drones have earned the backing, albeit AND the Pakistani public is vehemently opposed to U.S. drone strikes.
No nuclear terrorism – multiple checks Waltz 12 (Kenneth N. Waltz, American political scientist who is a member of the faculty at both the University of California, Berkeley and Columbia University and one of the most prominent scholars in the field of international relations alive today, “Why Iran Should Get the Bomb”, July/Aug, http://www.peaceispatriotic.org/articles/why-iran-should-get-the-bomb.ForeignAffairs.JulAug2012.html, CMR)
As for the risk of a handoff to terrorists, no country could transfer nuclear AND the product of that investment to parties that cannot be trusted or managed.
ADV 2
The plan text attempts to liberalize and clean war – the ontological nature of war is that it is never clean – the history of attempts like the plan end with whitewashing the violence of the American executive and enabling a distorted continuation of the violence of the 1ac. Van Veeren 2013 Elspeth, Clean War, Invisible War, Liberal War: The Clean and Dirty Politics of Guantánamo, http://www.academia.edu/1990191/Clean_War_Invisible_War_Liberal_War The idea that clean has value and that things and people, let alone war AND a bounty from across Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bosnia, Gambia and Zambia.
Representations of China as a threat are locked in violent ontologies that make inaccurate policy predictions that result in war.
Pan 04 Chengxin, The and#34;China Threatand#34; in American Self-Imagination: The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politics, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 29, 2004
China and its relationship with the United States has long been a fascinating subject of AND It is in this context that this article seeks to make a contribution.
Bold predictions of a coming drones arms race are all the rage since the uptake AND air defenses, poor media coverage, and difficulties in accessing the region.
No Chinese drone aggression – political constraints Erickson 5/23 – associate professor at the Naval War College and an Associate in Research at Harvard University’s Fairbank Center (Andrew, and Austin Strange, researcher at the Naval War College’s China Maritime Studies Institute and a graduate student at Zhejiang University, “China Has Drones. Now What?”, 2013, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/139405/andrew-erickson-and-austin-strange/china-has-drones-now-what?page=show, CMR)
Indeed, the time to fret about when China and other authoritarian countries will acquire AND caution -- something Washington must bear in mind with its own drone program.
In short, the doomsday drone scenario Ignatieff and Sharkey predict results from an excessive AND of 21st Century warfare remains fundamentally unaltered despite their arrival in large numbers.
Solvency
Wont’ Take No for an Answer
Obama will never take no for an answer – Recent trends and congressional gridlock Koenig in ’12 (Brian, blogger, columnist, and freelance journalist who contributes to several local and national publications, including The New American, The Daily Caller, Real Clear Politics, American Thinker, and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “Obama Uses Executive Orders to Bypass Congress”, http://news.yahoo.com/obama-uses-executive-orders-bypass-congress-192700126.html) MDA
President Barack Obamaand#39;s agenda, particularly involving legislative proposals like his ambitious and#34;Buffett Rule AND I have an obligation as president to do what I can without them.and#34;
9/14/13
Case 2nc - terrorprolifchina
Tournament: UMKC | Round: 1 | Opponent: Wyoming DM | Judge: Terror No impact to hormuz: in depth analysis proves Shifrinson 11—Research Fellow, International Security Program, Belfer Center at Havard—and—Miranda Priebe—PhD candidate in pol sci at MIT (Joshua, A Crude Threat, International Security, 36;1, Summer 2011) Note - “Our analysis gives Iran the maximum 400 Shahab-1s in accordance with our worstcase assumption” The effect of an Iranian attack on the Saudi oil network would depend on the number and characteristics of available missiles. With current assumptions, more than 1,300 Shahab-type missiles would be needed to target Abqaiq’s towers. With the 400 missiles on hand, Iran would be unlikely to do signiªcant damage. Increasing the desired probability of success raises missile requirements: for example, a 50 percent overall probability of destroying Abqaiq’s towers would require more than 3,300 missiles. Moreover, even if Abqaiq was destroyed, Saudi Arabia would still be able to produce and stabilize 5.6 mbd of oil. 95 Therefore, even if Iran has many times the number of missiles we estimate, a signiªcant portion of Saudi Arabian oil is secure. That said, 150 Fateh missiles appear to be sufªcient for Iran to destroy the smaller stabilization facilities. 96 Their destruction would remove an estimated 3.0 mbd stabilization capacity. Because, however, Abqaiq uses only 6.1 of its 13 mbd processing capacity, the destruction of these smaller facilities would not affect total output. This ªnding holds even if Abqaiq’s capacity is signiªcantly less than estimated. Although we believe that Abqaiq’s actual capacity is much greater, Aramco only reports its capacity as “more than” 7 mbd. 97 Using 7 mbd as a lower bound, we calculate that Abqaiq’s spare capacity could compensate for nearly all 1.25 mbd actually processed by the smaller stabilization facilities. The remainder could be replaced by additional production from Zuluf and Safaniyah. In short, 150 Fateh missiles would be insuf- ªcient to disrupt Saudi production even with conservative estimates of Saudi capacity. Similarly, missile demands are such that an Iranian port attack would be unlikely to reduce Saudi Arabian exports. If Iran has 150 Fateh missiles, it could best employ them by targeting Ras Tanura’s Sea Islands, as these facilities handle the port’s largest tankers. Given, however, excess berthing capacity at the Red Sea and other Persian Gulf ports, a successful attack would have a miniInternational Security 36:1 192 95. This amount is based on the 2.6 mbd productive capacity of naturally “sweet” oil and the 3.0 mbd stabilization capacity outside of Abqaiq. 96. Assuming no Patriot interception, Iran requires 144 Fatehs. To eliminate Patriot cover, Iran could ªre Shahab-type missiles or artillery rockets to “soak up” Saudi interceptors before launching Fatehs. 97. Saudi Aramco, “Abqaiq Plants.”mal effect on exports. 98 Overall, a Fateh attack on the Persian Gulf ports could reduce some of Saudi Arabia’s excess export capacity without degrading actual exports. Instead, hundreds of additional missiles would be needed for Iran to decrease actual exports. Even if the smaller Persian Gulf ports were rendered inoperable by other means, Iran would need to launch a minimum of 240 missiles at the Ras Tanura wharf in addition to those launched at the Sea Islands. Alongside a successful strike on the Sea Islands, destruction of the wharf would eliminate Ras Tanura’s 6 mbd export capacity and leave Saudi Arabian exports dependent on Ras Juaymah (3 mbd) and the 5 mbd Petroline. 99 In this extreme case, Saudi Arabia could still maintain 8 mbd of exports, only 0.4 mbd below 2008 levels. Of course, even if the Iranians were unable to fully destroy the Gulf ports, a missile attack could lead Saudi Arabia to divert a portion of its exports to the Red Sea ports. In either case, additional costs would accrue as oil was diverted to the Red Sea and countries normally serviced from the Gulf encountered longer transportation times. What would happen, however, if Iran targeted all 400 Shahab-1s at a portion of Abqaiq? That is, what would be the maximum damage that the Shahab-1 stockpile could cause? Damage would be minimal, because 400 missiles are sufªcient to destroy only one tower with a 60 percent chance of success. If the tower were destroyed, Abqaiq’s total capacity would drop from 13 to 12.3 mbd. 100 Because, however, Abqaiq runs below half capacity, its destruction would have no long-term impact on Saudi Arabia’s ability to stabilize oil. The facility could still handle its 6.1 mbd throughput with capacity to spare. Although we do not believe that Iran has sufªcient missiles to take Abqaiq offline, it is not impossible that Iran will eventually have the capability to do so. Abqaiq’s destruction would have a signiªcant effect on Saudi exports given that stabilization is a necessary step for the safe transport of most Saudi oil by tanker. Taking into account increased production from naturally sweet sources and assuming the other stabilization facilities could run at full capacity, apA Crude Threat 193 98. Destruction of the Sea Islands would eliminate four berths for very large crude carrier-class (VLCC) tankers and two berths for ultra large crude carrier-class (ULCC) tankers. Excluding Jeddah, the Red Sea ports have berthing for two ULCC and ªve VLCC tankers; on the Persian Gulf, Khafji alone has berthing for two VLCC and two Aframax-class tankers other than the six mooring buoys at Juaymah already used by ULCCs. Thus, Red Sea and Persian Gulf ports could compensate for losses at Tanura with two ULCC, seven VLCC, and two Aframax berths. See NGIA, Sailing Directions, pp. 345–355; and Joe Evangelista, ed., “Scaling the Tanker Market,” Surveyor, Winter 2002, p. 6. 99. Because the capacity of the smaller Persian Gulf ports is unknown, we treat them as zero; actual requirements may be higher. 100. Assuming equal processing, each tower handles 0.7 mbd.proximately 3.6 mbd could be taken offline by the destruction of Abqaiq. A maximum of 5.6 mbd, or 61 percent of current production, would then be available. 101 If a successful Iranian attack against Saudi oil facilities occurred, how long would supply disruptions last? Estimating the time to repair damaged Saudi facilities depends on the extent of the damage, the ability of manufacturers to deliver replacement parts, and military-political conditions (e.g., repairs are likely to take longer if a war is raging). A Congressional Research Service (CRS) report from the 1970s estimated that signiªcant damage to the Saudi oil network might take up to a year to repair, given the unique nature of the facilities. 102 Repairs to Kuwaiti oil infrastructure after the 1990–91 Persian Gulf War required two years, with exports resuming within nine months and reaching 83 percent of prewar levels by 1992. 103 Likewise, companies reported signiªcant delays in repairing facilities and restarting production nearly two months after Hurricanes Rita and Katrina. 104 Given variation in previous repair times and the uniqueness of Saudi facilities, it is unclear how long it would take Saudi Arabia to repair the damage caused by a successful missile attack. We can, however, estimate the time Saudi Arabia would have to repair the damage before the loss of Saudi oil affected world oil consumption. As noted, the loss of Abqaiq would curtail Saudi oil production by 3.6 mbd. In response, governments around the world could release oil from their strategic petroleum stockpiles to offset the loss while Saudi Arabia undertook repairs. The U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserve alone holds more than 700 million barrels of oil; the International Energy Agency (IEA) reports total government-controlled oil reserves of 1.5 billion barrels among IEA members. 105 The U.S. stockpile alone International Security 36:1 194 101. Total Saudi production is 9.2 mbd. Aside from Abqaiq, the four stabilization facilities have a combined capacity of 3 mbd. Naturally sweet production could reach 2.6 mbd. The maximum capacity taken offline is then equal to 3.6 mbd. 102. Oil Fields as Military Objectives, pp. 1–39. The report notes that Saudi facilities are the largest of their kind in the world and require specialized production of custom equipment. Similarly, Baer postulates that destruction of Abqaiq would take “months” to repair. Baer, “The Fall of the House of Saud,” p. 54. 103. John Cranªeld, “Fires Are Out, but Work Continues,” Petroleum Economist, December 30, 1991, p. 17; and Bob Tippee, “Kuwait Pressing toward Preinvasion Oil Production Capacity,” Oil and Gas Journal, March 15, 1993, p. 41; Kuwait produced 1.057 mbd in 1992 against 1.278 mbd in 1989. OPEC, Annual Statistical Bulletin, 2008, p. 21. 104. “Hurricanes Katrina and Rita,” hearings before the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, 109th Cong., 1st sess., S. Hrg. 109-279 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Ofªce, October 27, 2005), pp. 8–18. 105. International Energy Agency, “IEA Response System for Global Supply Emergencies” (Paris: International Energy Agency, 2007), p. 7; and United States Department of Energy, “Strategic Petroleum Reserve Inventory,” November 30, 2010, http://www.spr.doe.gov/dir/dir.html. This ªgure does not take into account private and non-IEA government stockpiles.would be sufªcient to offset the losses from the destruction of Abqaiq for more than six months, given 2008 consumption rates. If all 1.4 billion barrels in government reserves were employed, the repair window would be nearly fifteen months. 106 A six-to-ªfteen-month window is in the midrange of past repair experiences, suggesting that world oil consumption would not be impaired even after a successful Iranian attack
Prolif
No asian war – struggle for primacy will not escalate into conflict
World War II was a moral struggle against fascism, the ideology responsible for the AND has saved lives over the span of history far more than humanitarian interventionism.
No escalation – SCS war over resources.
Bush and O’Hanlon 7 Was in the 1nc (Richard and Michael, Senior Fellows – Brookings Institution, “U.S. Grapples With China’s Rise, Taiwan”, The Daily Yomiuri (Tokyo), 5-3, Lexis) But most of the issues and frictions that accompany Chinaand#39;s rise can be managed. AND the littoral nations of Japan, the Philippines or Vietnam over disputed seabed resources
(like oil in the East China Sea or small islets in the South China Sea) is highly unlikely.
Whatever moral drama does occur in East Asia will thus take the form of austere AND Middle East, military power has been quietly shifting from Europe to Asia.
U.S. won’t intervene Betts 97 (Prof. Political Science and International Security Policy Studies, Vietnam Joins The World) Neither Hanoi nor the other claimants who oppose Beijing are likely to be able to AND the South China Sea between an American company, Crestone, and China.
Won’t go nuclear Nagara 95 (Bunn, Senior Analyst, ISIS, Contemporary Southeast Asia, September) The two “most likely flashpoints” in the region, as popular parlance would have it, are the Spratly archipelago and the Korean peninsula. Yet nobody is relating China’s nuclear capability to its Spratly claim (as additional leverage for that claim), even when Beijing is the only nuclear power among the six claimants.
Representations of China as a threat are locked in violent ontologies that make inaccurate policy predictions that result in war.
Pan 04 Chengxin, The and#34;China Threatand#34; in American Self-Imagination: The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politics, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 29, 2004
China and its relationship with the United States has long been a fascinating subject of AND It is in this context that this article seeks to make a contribution.
9/14/13
K - Abolitionist Pedagogy
Tournament: Kentucky | Round: 2 | Opponent: NU MV | Judge: Kennedy The knowledge base of the plan is neither true nor objective – it is based on elimination of any combination of forms of thinking – it is an extreme form of thinking that has no privileged claim to access but has taken it by historical domination. Deloria Jr 1999 Vine, Theologian, legal scholar, JD, Ph.D, M.Div, standing rock Sioux, For This Land, 102-105
Example after example could be cited, … formulation of a picture of reality. Their assumption that the US precedent will spread globally without difference relies on the assumption that it’s moral order is universal Weissman 2013 (Distinguished Professor of Law; University of North Carolina School of Law) 13 (Deborah M., Remaking Mexico: Law Reform as Foreign Policy, Aprilhttp://ssrn.com/abstract=2246126) Legal systems develop and …. circumstances may require.142
This structure of thinking privileges western rationality above all else forming the basis of every form of domination and driving the possibilities of global destruction and endemic violence Wilshire 2006 Bruce, Bruce Wilshire is Senior Professor of Philosophy at Rutgers University. For most of his career he has taught there, although he has also held positions at Purdue University and at New York University. He has served as Visiting Professor at Oberlin College, Colorado College, and at Texas A and M University , unlearning the language of conquest p 267-270
From this primal origin … electrifi es and mobilizes the world).
Our alternative is to refuse the structure and form of thinking of the affirmative – the plan is a replication of the dominance of western thinking. We must challenge this framework of interpretation of reality and re-examine the basis of knowledge. We must not disavow our goals in service of simple reforms or the call to end suffering but must finally undo the basis of domination. Deloria Jr 1999 Vine, Theologian, legal scholar, JD, Ph.D, M.Div, standing rock Sioux, For This Land, p101-102
If there were any serious … applications for admission.
Our alternative pedagogically calls us to create an abolition of genocidal structures. Only this epistemological starting point can create an effective praxis that will betray the constant management of the effects of genocide in favor of a politics to abolish it. We must begin from the unflinching position that we don’t have to accept status quo structures. Rodríguez 2010 Dylan, “The Disorientation of the Teaching Act: Abolition as Pedagogical Position” Radical Teacher number 88 August 1, 2010
Perhaps, then, there is no viable … this form of pedagogical audacity.
10/15/13
K - Interpassivity
Tournament: UMKC | Round: 7 | Opponent: Wichita DR | Judge: DiPiazza There is no value in debating about their plan – the praxis and method of advocacy is good enough – only a risk they turn us into the tyrannical policymaker that the 1ac opposes. We advocate the 1ac without their plan. Antonio 1995 Robert, Nietzsche's Antisociology: Subjectified Culture and the End of HistoryAuthor(s): Robert J. AntonioReviewed work(s):Source American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 101, No. 1 (Jul., 1995), pp. 1-43Published Privileging aesthetic experience over rational action, Nietzsche subverted modern theory's largely normative and instrumental AND 117-18, 213, 288-89, 303-4).
They make this specifically worse by unloading their subject position into roleplaying as policymakers – it is a ritual fetish that continues state mechanisms Zizek 2006 Slavoj, the Parallax View 2006, p 66-67
This is how we should grasp Hegel’s notion of the State as the “self AND in which Brecht emphasizes the immense effort it takes to be truly evil.
The affirmative has created a fetish of the subjective executive decisionmaker which obfuscates the objective systemic choices already made by the sociopolitical order. Reliance upon the courts of congress to check this actor is a masquerade that fails to disrupt the true trajectory of violence of this political order. Zizek 2006 Slavoj, the Parallax View 2006, p 66-67
This is how we should grasp Hegel’s notion of the State as the “self AND in which Brecht emphasizes the immense effort it takes to be truly evil.
10/15/13
K - Mignolo - Indefinite Detention
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 7 | Opponent: NU HS | Judge: Whit Whitmore Global expansion of the Western conception of rule of law enables colonial resource plundering---turns the whole case because it causes failed transitions that are hijacked by authoritarians Ugo Mattei 9, Professor at Hastings College of the Law and University of Turin; and Marco de Morpurgo, M.Sc. Candidate, International University College of Turin, LL.M. Candidate, Harvard Law School, 2009, “GLOBAL LAW and PLUNDER: THE DARK SIDE OF THE RULE OF LAW,” online: http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1014andcontext=bocconi_legal_papers
The rule of law rhetoric has been used as a justification for ‘plunder’ ( AND , ironically representing an ‘illegal’ use of the rule of law.9
The 1AC’s political and communicative strategy sustains overall militarization – restrictions on war powers are part of broader attempts to “cleanse” and legitimate warfare Van Veeren 13 (Elspeth, York University, Center for International and Security Studies, Post-Doc, “Clean War, Invisible War, Liberal War: The Clean and Dirty Politics of Guantánamo”, http://www.academia.edu/1990191/Clean_War_Invisible_War_Liberal_War, CMR)
A war of this scale ‘could not be initiated and sustained without widespread public AND of resistance to thesepractices, which are considered in the ? nal section.
Their form of modernist politics privileges European culture at the center of world history subjecting the peripheral peoples to violence and genocides rendered inevitable and necessary in the name of civilization, rationality, science and philosophy. Their epistemology historically constructs guilt free motives to posit itself as the hero to the world thus justifying its redemptive sacrifice of guilty peoples Mignolo 2000 Walter, William H. Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local Histories/Global Designs, 0691001405 115-117 enriqueDussel, an Argentinian philosopher associated with the philosophy of liberation, has been articulating AND also finds lis niche in postsubaltern reason as a differential locus of enunciation.
Our alternative is to refuse the structure and form of thinking of the affirmative – the plan is a replication of the dominance of western thinking. We must challenge this framework of interpretation of reality and re-examine the basis of knowledge. We must not disavow our goals in service of simple reforms or the call to end suffering but must finally undo the basis of domination. Deloria Jr 1999 Vine, Theologian, legal scholar, JD, Ph.D, M.Div, standing rock Sioux, For This Land, p101-102 If there were any serious concern about liberation we would see thousands of people simply AND determine the racial background ofstudents on the basis of their applications for admission.
Our alternative pedagogically calls us to create an abolition of genocidal structures. Only this epistemological starting point can create an effective praxis that will betray the constant management of the effects of genocide in favor of a politics to abolish it. We must begin from the unflinching position that we don’t have to accept status quo structures. Rodríguez 2010 Dylan, “The Disorientation of the Teaching Act: Abolition as Pedagogical Position” Radical Teacher number 88 August 1, 2010 Perhaps, then, there is no viable or defensible pedagogical position other than an AND is significantly dependent on our willingness to embrace this form of pedagogical audacity.
The alternative is an ethical imperative – the crisis of modernity is becoming bankrupt and decoloniality is emerging all around us. The question of this debate is whether you ought to align yourself with decoloniality or uphold the failures of the neoliberal market of modernity.
Mingolo and He 12 Walter Mignolo, Professor of Decolonial Studies at Duke University, Weihua He, Ph.D. from Tsinghua University in Beijing. He is currently teaching in Shanghai and spent a year at Duke University while finishing his dissertation. The Prospect of Harmony and the Decolonial View of the World, published in Decolonial Thoughts, Interviews. September 2012
Two things.Neo-liberalism is now in bankruptcy. You can see it AND least India. This politico-economic delinking is one aspect of dewesternization.
10/27/13
K - Mignolo - Indefinite Detention
Tournament: Harvard | Round: 7 | Opponent: NU HS | Judge: Whit Whitmore Global expansion of the Western conception of rule of law enables colonial resource plundering---turns the whole case because it causes failed transitions that are hijacked by authoritarians Ugo Mattei 9, Professor at Hastings College of the Law and University of Turin; and Marco de Morpurgo, M.Sc. Candidate, International University College of Turin, LL.M. Candidate, Harvard Law School, 2009, “GLOBAL LAW and PLUNDER: THE DARK SIDE OF THE RULE OF LAW,” online: http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1014andcontext=bocconi_legal_papers
The rule of law rhetoric has been used as a justification for ‘plunder’ ( AND , ironically representing an ‘illegal’ use of the rule of law.9
The 1AC’s political and communicative strategy sustains overall militarization – restrictions on war powers are part of broader attempts to “cleanse” and legitimate warfare Van Veeren 13 (Elspeth, York University, Center for International and Security Studies, Post-Doc, “Clean War, Invisible War, Liberal War: The Clean and Dirty Politics of Guantánamo”, http://www.academia.edu/1990191/Clean_War_Invisible_War_Liberal_War, CMR)
A war of this scale ‘could not be initiated and sustained without widespread public AND of resistance to thesepractices, which are considered in the ? nal section.
Their form of modernist politics privileges European culture at the center of world history subjecting the peripheral peoples to violence and genocides rendered inevitable and necessary in the name of civilization, rationality, science and philosophy. Their epistemology historically constructs guilt free motives to posit itself as the hero to the world thus justifying its redemptive sacrifice of guilty peoples Mignolo 2000 Walter, William H. Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local Histories/Global Designs, 0691001405 115-117 enriqueDussel, an Argentinian philosopher associated with the philosophy of liberation, has been articulating AND also finds lis niche in postsubaltern reason as a differential locus of enunciation.
Our alternative is to refuse the structure and form of thinking of the affirmative – the plan is a replication of the dominance of western thinking. We must challenge this framework of interpretation of reality and re-examine the basis of knowledge. We must not disavow our goals in service of simple reforms or the call to end suffering but must finally undo the basis of domination. Deloria Jr 1999 Vine, Theologian, legal scholar, JD, Ph.D, M.Div, standing rock Sioux, For This Land, p101-102 If there were any serious concern about liberation we would see thousands of people simply AND determine the racial background ofstudents on the basis of their applications for admission.
Our alternative pedagogically calls us to create an abolition of genocidal structures. Only this epistemological starting point can create an effective praxis that will betray the constant management of the effects of genocide in favor of a politics to abolish it. We must begin from the unflinching position that we don’t have to accept status quo structures. Rodríguez 2010 Dylan, “The Disorientation of the Teaching Act: Abolition as Pedagogical Position” Radical Teacher number 88 August 1, 2010 Perhaps, then, there is no viable or defensible pedagogical position other than an AND is significantly dependent on our willingness to embrace this form of pedagogical audacity.
The alternative is an ethical imperative – the crisis of modernity is becoming bankrupt and decoloniality is emerging all around us. The question of this debate is whether you ought to align yourself with decoloniality or uphold the failures of the neoliberal market of modernity.
Mingolo and He 12 Walter Mignolo, Professor of Decolonial Studies at Duke University, Weihua He, Ph.D. from Tsinghua University in Beijing. He is currently teaching in Shanghai and spent a year at Duke University while finishing his dissertation. The Prospect of Harmony and the Decolonial View of the World, published in Decolonial Thoughts, Interviews. September 2012
Two things.Neo-liberalism is now in bankruptcy. You can see it AND least India. This politico-economic delinking is one aspect of dewesternization.
10/27/13
K - Zizek Ideology
Tournament: UMKC | Round: 7 | Opponent: Wichita DR | Judge: DiPiazza The ideology of capital still reigns supreme as the sociopolitical order creates subtle ways to hide the excesses of capitalism – the fundamental prohibition on thinking points to war, violence, human rights and the tyranny of “the system” instead of ideology . The affirmative never addresses this fundamental backdrop of the liberal democratic order. Zizek 2002—Professor of Philosophy @ Institute for Sociology, Ljubljana Slavoj, “Revolution at the Gates”, pg 167-172
The problem lies in the further implicit qualifications which can easily be discerned by a AND normal accepted meaning, multiculturalism perfectly fits the logic of the global market.
Next, the affirmative approach to war powers is trapped in the cacophony of democratic procedure which is the underpinning that reinforces the ideology of capital Dean 2005 Jodi, Associate Professor of Political Theory at Hobart and William Smith, Zizek against Democracy, jdeanicite.typepad.com/i_cite/files/zizek_against_ democracy_new_version.doc In this article, I take up Slavoj Zizek’s critical interrogation of democracy. I AND the demanding task of politicizing the economy and envisioning a different political order. their analysis of patriarchy in the international order historically obfuscates capital and worsens oppression Henessey ’94 Rosemary, Professor of English @ SUNY Albany, Queer Theory, Left Politics, Fall 1994, Rethinking Marxism, Vol 7, 3, 90-2 Because "patriarchy" has become such a contested term—in some sense eyes AND social relations that includes divisions of labor, law, and the state.
We have an ethical obligation to reject global capitalism’s anonymization of violence and denial of any political possibility. Slavoj Zizek and Glyn Daly, Senior Lecturer in Politics in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at University College, Northampton, 2004, Conversations With Zizek, p. 14-16
For Zizek it is imperative that we cut through this Gord¬ian knot of postmodern protocol AND abject Other to that of a ‘glitch’ in an otherwise sound matrix.
In the face of the affirmative’s extortion politics, our alternative is to declare that we prefer not to. This act of negation founds both a withdrawal from the symbolic order and a form for continual displacement of the grasp of ideology. Butler 2010 Rex, Senior Lecturer in the Department of English, Media Studies and Art History at the University of Queensland International Journal of Zizek Studies 4.1 http://zizekstudies.org/index.php/ijzs/article/view/228/321
What is common to these four situations? It is the idea that, like AND rise both to itself and to the circumstances at which it is aggrieved.
10/15/13
NDT Rd 2 - Case v Dartmouth
Tournament: NDT | Round: 2 | Opponent: Darmouth CK | Judge: Cook, Evans, Morgan
Case
Deconstruction has been coopted by the status quo.
As people interested in the discourse of theory today, are we to be encouraged AND day, one might say that this is deconstruction’s primary lesson and legacy.
Zero impact to the aff – the concept of deconstruction and justice being non-deconstructible is patently false and dismisses critical functions of analysis. Enns 2007 ~Diane, Beyond Derrida: The Autoimmunity of Deconstruction, Symposium: Canadian Journal of Continental Philosophy, 11:1, 2007
"After deconstruction, what is to be done?" Richard Kearney poses this question AND the constant movement ¶ back and forth between reading texts and reading actualities.
3/28/14
NDT Rd 2 - Lacan
Tournament: NDT | Round: 2 | Opponent: Darmouth CK | Judge: Cook, Evans, Morgan
1 off
The ideology of capital still reigns supreme as the sociopolitical order creates subtle ways to hide the excesses of capitalism – the fundamental prohibition on thinking points to war, violence, human rights and the tyranny of "the system" instead of ideology . The affirmative never addresses this fundamental backdrop of the liberal democratic order. Zizek 2002—Professor of Philosophy @ Institute for Sociology, Ljubljana ~Slavoj, "Revolution at the Gates", pg 167-172~ The problem lies in the further implicit qualifications which can easily be discerned by a AND normal accepted meaning, multiculturalism perfectly fits the logic of the global market.
The affirmative misreads the role of military violence – Abu Ghraib as a symbol speaks to the direct obscene underside of American culture and the marking of exclusion of the terrorist body from it while simultaneously initiating the prisoner to the obscenity that is American culture. The function of the Law as restriction is irrelevant, there are no formal orders for torture to begin with, torture is the obscene supplement under the law Zizek 2006 ~Slavoj, the Parallax View 2006, p 367 – 372
In his reaction to the photos showing Iraqi prisoners tortured and humiliated by US soldiers AND are much stronger things to come, including videos of rape and murder. We have an ethical obligation to reject global capitalism’s anonymization of violence and denial of any political possibility. Slavoj Zizek and Glyn Daly, Senior Lecturer in Politics in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at University College, Northampton, 2004, Conversations With Zizek, p. 14-16
For Zizek it is imperative that we cut through this Gord¬ian knot of postmodern protocol AND abject Other to that of a ’glitch’ in an otherwise sound matrix.
In the face of the affirmative’s extortion politics, our alternative is to declare that we prefer not to. This act of negation founds both a withdrawal from the symbolic order and a form for continual displacement of the grasp of ideology. Butler 2010 Rex, Senior Lecturer in the Department of English, Media Studies and Art History at the University of Queensland International Journal of Zizek Studies 4.1 http://zizekstudies.org/index.php/ijzs/article/view/228/321-http://zizekstudies.org/index.php/ijzs/article/view/228/321 What is common to these four situations? It is the idea that, like AND rise both to itself and to the circumstances at which it is aggrieved. Derridian philosophy fails to take into account the perspective of the colonized and is useless for addressing problems of those most oppressed. It is not a simple failure to recognize these perspectives, but an act of intentionally glossing over colonized persons.
Mignolo 10 ~Walter D, Department of Romance Studies, Duke University, "The geopolitics of knowledge and the colonial difference," October, Praxis Públic~
The irreducible colonial difference that I am trying to chart, starting from Dussel’s dialogue AND where the contenders although in sportive friendship, have different tasks and goals.
2NC
Lacan
And the attempt to search for justice always defines identity oppositionally and fails to account for the ways in which Desire is made manifest through the attempts to control humanity thus leading to the absolute terror of existence.
Douzinas 2007 ~Costas Douzinas, professor of law and Dean of Faculty of Arts and Humanities at Birkbeck College Human Rights and Empire: The political philosophy of cosmopolitanism pp.86-88~
Finally, we have the evil inhuman, the irrational, cruel, brutal, AND , the immemorial power of the other and our inability to announce it.
1NR Lacan
They don’t get a permutation – we have impact turned the basis of the ontology in the 1ac. The entire 1ac is predicated upon a defense of this ontology. This means that they would make a fundamental shift from the starting point of the 1ac. Multiple starting points are bad:
a) destroy any comparison of strategy – the fluid affirmative becomes an assimilation accommodation of the 1ac.
b) decreases clash about deconstruction versus Psychoanalysis – makes debate a race to the affirmative.
C – starting point debates are good for beginning analysis.
Further, this is a debate about competing methodologies – the 1ac’s ontological investigation and our epistemological criticism. The notion of the permutation is an archaic replication of plan/counterplan theory which structures around the notions of governmental inclusion and action – methodology is inherently different – no justification for the perm – fundamentally makes debate impossible and ruins any discussions about methodologies.
AT: Perm (Ideology) – Substance
The perm is an attempt at incorporating their maintenance of ideology and the symbolic order into the alternative.
Our 1NC Butler evidence says the alternative is a break away from and withdrawal from this, and any incorporation of ideology into the alternative risks linking.
The aff is an act of projection attempting to resolve the antagonism between academia and the political. This only reifies neoliberal ideology by sustaining the play between fantasy and illusion.
Welsh 12 ~Scott Welsh, Assistant Professor Ph.D. Appalachian State Communications Department, Coming to Terms with the Antagonism between Rhetorical Reflection and Political Agency, Philosophy and Rhetoric, Volume 45(1), published 2012~
What Žižek adds to Burke’s observation regarding the projection of meaning onto selected events is AND like hypocrisy or, even worse, complicity in the perpetuation of brokenness.
The act of resistance is one that never can be nor does it ever truly want to see its revolutionary potential fulfilled from the position of antagonism. Rather resistance serves to create gaps in ideology that haunt the failures of resistance and become an organizing principle for those structures.
Welsh 12 ~Scott Welsh, Assistant Professor Ph.D. Appalachian State Communications Department, Coming to Terms with the Antagonism between Rhetorical Reflection and Political Agency, Philosophy and Rhetoric, Volume 45(1), published 2012~
Drawing on Jacques Lacan, Žižek approaches the entire "socio-symbolic field" AND will always be required as supplemental pathways to apparent coherence or ideological consistency.
Any link argument outweighs the risk of a link turn – two arguments, first AND of power of drone violence in order to continue their quest for enjoyment.
imagining the ideal of democracy is impossible - democracy itself must be abandoned to avoid political violence
Little, Associate Professor and Reader, Political Theory – University of Melbourne, ’10 (Adrian, "Democratic Melancholy: On the Sacrosanct Place of Democracy in Radical Democratic Theory," Political Studies 58:5, p. 971 – 987) In recent years radical critiques of democracy have become increasingly commonplace in political theory, AND the ’constitutive failure’ at the heart of democracy’s foundations and its continuation.
turns the case - reinforcing the discourse of democracy enables its hegemonic ideology to close off space to criticism and ensures marginalization of cultural, social, and economic exclusions
Little, Associate Professor and Reader, Political Theory – University of Melbourne, ’10 (Adrian, "Democratic Melancholy: On the Sacrosanct Place of Democracy in Radical Democratic Theory," Political Studies 58:5, p. 971 – 987) The main focus in radical democratic theory has been liberalism and the liberal aspect of AND debate about the nature of sover- eignty and the rule of law.
The Chea evidence was answered in the 2NC, however it still does not solve AND and we are the only ones reading evidence on how the world works. —-Second, their evidence is not in context of the alternative, nor is it in context of psychoanalysis, Lacan, etc, which means the magnitude of our link arguments outweigh, that was above.
No matter how liberal they claim to be - A focus on the socializing process by which subjectivity and racism The rhetorical focus on targeted killing as unique form of violence they can resolves is naive and directly crowds out grappling with the political and idealogical militarism that makes this war possible. Trombly 12 (Dan Trombly, "The Drone War Does Not Take Place", 16 November 2013, http://slouchingcolumbia.wordpress.com/2012/11/16/the-drone-war-does-not-take-place/, DA: 7 October 2013, mjb)
I’ll try to make this a bit shorter than my usual fare on the subject AND possibly a great deal of harm – to understanding how to move forward. *note: evidence edited for gendered language
The 1AC’s political and communicative strategy sustains overall Ideology through interpassivity, the perm can never solve or overcome, because they have already committed to ideology, that’s 1NC Zizek
A war of this scale ’could not be initiated and sustained without widespread public AND of resistance to thesepractices, which are considered in the ? nal section.
The permutation is classic Liberal compromise giving into the struggle against capitalism – the only way out of the current ideology is a radical leap of faith Zizek 2008 ~Slavoj, In Defense of Lost Causes page 2~
The common sense of our era tells us that, with regard to the old AND cannot provide the answers, so one must risk a Leap of Faith.
Natural and neutral feeling of their argument is the truest mark of ideology – same with violence – liberal and fundamentalist are two sides of the same coin Zizek 2008 ~Slavoj, Violence p 36-37
We live in a society where a kind of Hegelian speculative identity of opposites exists AND make with liberal communists when fighting racism, sexism, and religious obscurantism.
3/28/14
NDT Rd 2 - Mignolo
Tournament: NDT | Round: 2 | Opponent: Darmouth CK | Judge: Cook, Evans, Morgan
1NC
2 off
THE 1AC HAS MISREAD THE DRIVING IDEOLOGICAL FUNCTION BEHIND UNITED STATES CONSTRUCTIONS OF TERRORISM – THE EFFECTS THEY DESCRIBE MAY BE TRUE, BUT IT IS NOT HOSTILITY TOWARD OTHERNESS THAT STRUCTURES ANTI-TERRROSIM BUT RATHER THE UNIVERSALITY OF EUROCENTRIC MODERNITY. Mignolo 2006 ~Walter Mignolo, Professor at Duke University, Islamophobia/Hispanophobia The (Re) Configuration of the Racial Imperial/Colonial Matrix, HUMAN ARCHITECTURE: JOURNAL OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF SELF-KNOWLEDGE, Fall 06~ In the U.S. neither Arabs nor Moslems were visible in what became AND population (civil society) that the empire needs as a buffer zone. THE FUNCTION OF YOUR BALLOT IS ENTIRELY EPISTEMIC – DOES THE AVAILABLE AUTHORSHIP THAT THE 1AC HAS ISOLATED PROVIDE FOR AN EPISTEMIC RESPONSE THAT IS EFFECTIVE. WHEN THIS QUESTION IS CONFRONTED FOR JAQUES DERRIDA THE ANSWER IS DECISEVELY NO. DERRIDEAN AUTHORSHIP SHOULD BE REJECTED AS EUROCENTRIC. Mignolo-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html 2002 ~Walter D. The Geopolitics of Knowledge and the Colonial Difference The South Atlantic Quarterly 101.1 (2002) 57-96 ~ Dussel’s dialogue with Vattimo’s philosophy goes in the same direction, albeit from different motivations. There is a partial agreement between Vattimo and Dussel, as one could imagine a similar partial agreement between Deloria and Wallerstein. The important question, however, is that of the irreducible epistemic colonial difference on which Deloria and Dussel build their claims for the future of ethics, politics, and epistemology that can no longer be built on categories and premises of Western philosophy and social sciences. While Deloria’s argument could be taken as an indirect argument to decolonize (and not just to open) the social sciences (as the claim made in Latin America by Colombian sociologist Fals-Borda in the early 1970s, mentioned above), Dussel’s argument is a direct claim for decolonizing philosophy. According to Dussel, "An Ethic of Liberation, with planetary scope ought, first of all, ’to liberate’ (I would say decolonize) philosophy from Helenocentrism. Otherwise, it cannot be a future worldly philosophy, in the twenty-first century." 44-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html The irreducible colonial difference that I am trying to chart, starting from Dussel’s dialogue with Vattimo, was also perceived by Robert Bernasconi in his account of the challenge that African philosophy puts forward to continental philosophy. Simply put, Bernasconi notes that "Western philosophy traps African philosophy in a double bind. Either African philosophy is so similar to Western philosophy that it makes no distinctive contribution and effectively disappears; or it is so different that its credentials to be genuine philosophy will always be in doubt." 45-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html This double bind is the colonial ~End Page 70~ difference that creates the conditions for what I have elsewhere called "border thinking." 46-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html I have defined border thinking as an epistemology from a subaltern perspective. Although Bernasconi describes the phenomenon with different terminology, the problem we are dealing with here is the same. Furthermore, Bernasconi makes his point with the support of African American philosopher Lucius Outlaw in an article titled "African ’Philosophy’: Deconstructive and Reconstructive Challenges." 47-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html Emphasizing the sense in which Outlaw uses the concept of deconstruction, Bernasconi at the same time underlines the limits of Jacques Derrida’s deconstructive operation and the closure of Western metaphysics. Derrida, according to Bernasconi, offers no space in which to ask the question about Chinese, Indian, and especially African philosophy. Latin and Anglo-American philosophy should be added to this. After a careful discussion of Derrida’s philosophy, and pondering possible alternatives for the extension of deconstruction, Bernasconi concludes by saying, "Even after such revisions, it is not clear what contribution deconstruction could make to the contemporary dialogue between Western philosophy and African philosophy." 48-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html Or, if a contribution could be foreseen, it has to be from the perspective that Outlaw appropriates and that denaturalizes the deconstruction of the Western metaphysics from the inside (and maintains the totality, á la Derrida). That is to say, it has to be a deconstruction from the exteriority of Western metaphysics, from the perspective of the double bind that Bernasconi detected in the interdependence (and power relations) between Western and African philosophy. However, if we invert the perspective, we are located in a particular deconstructive strategy that I would rather name the decolonization of philosophy (or of any other branch of knowledge, natural sciences, social sciences, and the humanities). Such a displacement of perspective was already suggested by Moroccan philosopher Abdelkhebir Khatibi, which I have discussed at length elsewhere. 49-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html However, certainly Bernasconi will concur with Khatibi in naming decolonization as the type of deconstructive operation proposed by Outlaw, thus maintaining and undoing the colonial difference from the colonial difference itself. That is to say, maintaining the difference under the assumption that "we are all human" although undoing the coloniality of power that converted differences into values and hierarchies. "The existential dimension of African philosophy’s challenge to Western philosophy in general and Continental philosophy in particular is located in the need to decolonize the mind. This task is at least as important for ~End Page 71~the colonizer as it is for the colonized. For Africans, decolonizing the mind takes place not only in facing the experience of colonialism, but also in recognizing the precolonial, which established the destructive importance of so-called ethnophilosophy." 50-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html The double bind requires also a double operation from the perspective of African philosophy, that is, an appropriation of Western philosophy and at the same time a rejection of it grounded in the colonial difference. Bernasconi recognizes that these, however, are tasks and issues for African philosophers. What would be similar issues for a continental philosopher? For Europeans, Bernasconi adds, " decolonizing the mind takes place not only in facing the experience of colonialism, but also in recognizing the precolonial, which established the destructive importance of so-called ethnophilosophy." 50-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html The double bind requires also a double operation from the perspective of African philosophy, that is, an appropriation of Western philosophy and at the same time a rejection of it grounded in the colonial difference. Bernasconi recognizes that these, however, are tasks and issues for African philosophers. What would be similar issues for a continental philosopher? For Europeans, Bernasconi adds, "decolonizing the colonial mind necessitates an encounter with the colonized, where finally the European has the experience of being seen as judged by those they have denied. The extent to which European philosophy championed colonialism, and more particularly helped to justify it through a philosophy of history that privileged Europe, makes it apparent that such a decolonizing is an urgent task for European thought." 51-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html My interest in developing at length Bernaconi’s position is not, of course, that of repeating the authoritative gesture of a North Atlantic philosopher validating the claims of African philosophers. Quite the contrary, it is Bernasconi’s humble recognition of the limits of continental philosophy, from inside continental philosophy itself, in which I am interested. By recognizing the colonial difference, Bernasconi breaks with centuries of European philosophical blindness to the colonial difference and the subalternization of knowledge. Credit should be given to African philosophers for successfully raising the issue and projecting a future, taking advantage of the epistemic potential of thinking from the colonial difference. Credit should also be given to Bernasconi for recognizing that here we are in a different ball game, where the contenders, although in sportive friendship, have different tasks and goals. This is precisely the point that Dussel has been trying to make since his early polemic dialogue with Apel, Paul Ricoeur, Habermas, and, more recently, Vattimo. 52-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html However, Dussel is in a position more similar to the one defended by African philosophers than to the position articulated by Bernasconi. Like Outlaw and others, Dussel calls for a double operation of deconstruction-reconstruction or, better yet, decolonization (to use just one word that names both operations and underlines the displacement of perspectives, tasks, and goals). 53-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html His is a claim made from an epistemic subaltern position in which Latin American philosophy has been located by ~End Page 72~Western philosophy. Dussel’s preference for a philosophy of liberation is both a liberation of philosophy and an assertion of philosophy as an instrument of decolonization. Dussel is clearly underscoring Vattimo’s blindness to the other side of modernity, which is coloniality: the violence that Vattimo (or Nietzsche and Heidegger) attributed to modern instrumental reason, the coloniality of power forced on non-European cultures that have remained silenced, hidden, and absent. The colonial difference is reproduced in its invisibility. Dussel’s claim for decolonization, for an ethic and philosophy of liberation, is predicated on a double movement similar to the strategy of African philosophers. On one hand, there is an appropriation of modernity and, on the other, a move toward a transmodernity understood as a liberating strategy or decolonization project that, according to Bernasconi, includes everybody, the colonizer and the colonized. 54-http://muse.uq.edu.au.vortex3.ucok.edu:2050/journals/south_atlantic_quarterly/v101/101.1mignolo.html
Our alternative pedagogically calls us to create an abolition of genocidal structures. Only this epistemological starting point can create an effective praxis that will betray the constant management of the effects of genocide in favor of a politics to abolish it. We must begin from the unflinching position that we don’t have to accept status quo structures. The choice of authorship is damning for the affirmative. Rodríguez 2010 ~Dylan, "The Disorientation of the Teaching Act: Abolition as Pedagogical Position" Radical Teacher number 88 August 1, 2010 Perhaps, then, there is no viable or defensible pedagogical position other than an AND is significantly dependent on our willingness to embrace this form of pedagogical audacity. Voting negative is an act of endorsing a different type of scholarship that can access the intent of their author’s theory while changing the social position of the authors themselves. This escapes the failures of the standard critiques of modernity enabling a broader aspect to decolonization Mignolo 2000 ~Walter, William H. Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local Histories/Global Designs, 0691001405 69-70~ At this point, double critique is a crucial strategy to build macronarratives from the AND by tradition; a fact that changes the strategic position ol our critique).
3/28/14
NDT Round 3 - 1NC Psychoanalysis K
Tournament: NDT | Round: 3 | Opponent: Rutgers RS | Judge: Allsup, Weitz, and Abukake Racial difference is founded upon the master signifier of whiteness – the affirmative’s repudiation and criticism of the violence of racial antagonism serves as an attempt to overcome racial difference which functions in the symbolic order to reproduce the desiring of whiteness
Sheshandri-Crooks 2000 Kalpana Rahita Seshadri-Crooks, Ph.D. Tufts University, Professor of English at Boston college with a focus on Lacan and Coloniality, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, London: Routledge 2000, pg 20-23
I propose the following working definition..... (the lack of a lack) in the structure of Whiteness.
The affirmative is thus reversible, in the attempt to prohibit racism they manifest and establish the system of race itself which secures the functions of desiring whiteness. Sheshandri-Crooks 2000 To arrest analysis of race at the point where one .....Lacan’s language of sexual difference and the moral law.
And the basis of identification is the fantasy of a self-contained autonomous subject as represented to the ego. Desire is a desire for validation as an attempt to return to the ego-ideal which always eludes us.
Sheshandri-Crooks 2000 Kalpana Rahita Seshadri-Crooks, Ph.D. Tufts University, Professor of English at Boston college with a focus on Lacan and Coloniality, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, London: Routledge 2000, pg 4-5
We may venture one kind of an answer using Teresa Brennan’s (1993) ....race, is entirely predicated on sexual difference.
And the attempt to search for justice always defines identity oppositionally and fails to account for the ways in which Desire is made manifest through the attempts to control humanity thus leading to the absolute terror of existence.
Douzinas 2007 Costas Douzinas, professor of law and Dean of Faculty of Arts and Humanities at Birkbeck College Human Rights and Empire: The political philosophy of cosmopolitanism pp.86-88
Finally, we have the evil inhuman, the irrational, cruel, brutal....the immemorial power of the other and our inability to announce it.
Thus our alternative is to be ashamed in the face of Whiteness – in response to anxiety we ought to render the ballot meaningless as a site rather than inscribe it with meaning as a response to moral anxiety. Copjec 2006 (Department of English, Comparative Literature, and Media Study at the University of Buffalo, where she is the Director of the Center for the Study of Psychoanalysis and Culture: Lacan: the silent partners; May ’68, the Emotional Month) Hitherto I have simplified matters somewhat, pretended it was simply ....cases of anxious paralysis: what its sufferers suffer from are reminiscences.
And shame is the only political response to anxiety- the attempt to respond to anxiety through relationship to the other represents an expression of jouissance – the desire to made whole against the backdrop of the trauma of castration. Copjec 2006 (Department of English, Comparative Literature, and Media Study at the University of Buffalo, where she is the Director of the Center for the Study of Psychoanalysis and Culture: Lacan: the silent partners; May ’68, the Emotional Month) In Seminar XVII, Lacan claims that anxiety is the ....force, not - properly speaking - a power. force, not - properly speaking - a power. ....
And the role of identity is no longer the belief in a stable identity founded in racial or ethnic but is one of accumulated knowledges – how do we know about chattel slavery, what does that mean for the subject and how is the subject then constituted going forwards? We need to disidentify with the anxiety of being incomplete rather than grasp to the accumulated knowledge of identity.
Copjec 2006 (Department of English, Comparative Literature, and Media Study at the University of Buffalo, where she is the Director of the Center for the Study of Psychoanalysis and Culture: Lacan: the silent partners; May ’68, the Emotional Month) The painful split – or tension – ........place of the real sweetness of jouissance.
Metaphysics as a mode of inquiry begins with an anxiety toward the nothing, the spectral other and responds with an ontological attempt to know and pacify this spectral object. Spanos 2000 William Spanos, America’s Shadow, pg. 10-11
Metaphysics is thus a circular mode of inquiry that, in beginning from the end AND hegemonic) discourse of the dominant, that is, Western, order.
The affirmative replicates this metaphysical analysis through a reconciliation of its ideological practices to with its exceptionalist image by disavowing its past horrors in an attempt to settle its outside world into order. Spanos 2K William Spanos, America’s Shadow, pg. 141-144
With this symbolic denouement, the “wound” suffered by “America” has AND term labor to hegemonize a demonic representation of this (self-)disclosure.
This is magnified by their relationship to death. The affirmatives anxiety towards death is only intelligible from a position of ontological anxiety. Their impact scenarios prevent an authentic relationship to death which makes the fear their 1ac inspires inevitable Park, 2K1 (James, University of Minnesota and activist in Unitarian Church, Our existential predicament; loneliness, depression, anxiety and death pg. 183-184)
The and#39;fear of deathand#39; is a composite experience encompassing: (1) the abstract AND coming into the new inner state-of-being and#34;Existential Freedomand#34;.
This confrontation with anxiety outweighs their extinctions scenarios because destruction has already occurred in the inner-space Davis 2k1 (Walter a., Professor of English at Ohio State, Deracination AND a breakdown into the future, because the breakdown has already occurred.8
Reject the affirmative- this rebuking of the pragmatic world ordering is crucial to laying bare our misguided ontological assumptions. The fear politics of the 1ac are inevitable and provide a framework for endless violence. The alternative alone is necessary for an ontological interruption which re-founds the political Swazo, 2K2 (Norman K. Professor of Philosophy at University of Alaska, Fairbanks, Crisis theory and world order: heideggerian reflections, pg. 12-14) In line with the above thought, I have noted that world order scholars are AND be truly historically effective in its quest to create a just world order.
9/14/13
T - Statute Stamping
Tournament: Kentucky | Round: 2 | Opponent: NU MV | Judge: Kennedy Interpretation: War powers authority is derived from congressional statute – restrictions are increased via statutory or judicial prohibitions on the source CURTIS A. BRADLEY, Richard A. Horvitz Professor of Law and Professor of Public Policy Studies, Duke Law School, Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy Vol. 33 No. 1 2010. http://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2730andcontext=faculty_scholarship
The scope of the President’s … constitu?¶ tional argument forthe end of his brief.12¶
Violation: The plan is an implicit delegation of “authority” Graham Cronogue, Duke University School of Law, J.D. expected 2013; A NEW AUMF: DEFINING COMBATANTS IN THE WAR ON TERROR, DUKE JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE and INTERNATIONAL LAW Vol. 22:377 2012 http://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1294andcontext=djcil
The AUMF’s broad “all necessary and appropriate force” … comes from congressional ¶ acquiescence.85
Vote to require a statutory source: Stabilizes topical authority and both restriction mechanisms – best chance of predictable aff limits and complementary neg ground pleas for reasonability just warrant precision – only check on bi-directionality and Commander-in-Chief affs Colby P. Horowitz 2013 “CREATING A MORE MEANINGFUL ¶ DETENTION STATUTE: LESSONS LEARNED ¶ FROM HEDGES V. OBAMA,” FORDHAM L.R. Vol. 81, http://fordhamlawreview.org/assets/pdfs/Vol_81/Horowitz_April.pdf
Thus, there at least two … whatever further criteria may be required”).
1NC “restrictions on authority” limit justifications
Interpretation:
“Authority” is an abstract property – not a collection of operations Hohfeld, Yale Law, 1919 (Wesley, http://www.hku.hk/philodep/courses/law/HohfeldRights.htm) Many examples of legal powers may readily be given. Thus, X, the AND , go far toward clearing up certain problems in the law of agency.
Violation: plan must restrict justifications to be topical David J. Barron and Martin S. Lederman, Harvard Law Review, February 2008. “THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF AT THE LOWEST EBB — A CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY,” http://www.harvardlawreview.org/media/pdf/barron_lederman2.pdf This repeated, though not unbroken, deferential executive branch stance is not, we AND the executive branch itself for most of our history of war powers development.
VOTE NEGATIVE: Limits – specific applications do not compose a reasonable research burden – aff doesn’t lose advantages, just squirrely plans – precision is always desirable Ground – wholesale restrictions allow better counterplan options and disad links in the literature – justification-based standards offer unique links and preclude minor modification
9/14/13
T- Andor
Tournament: Kentucky | Round: 2 | Opponent: NU MV | Judge: Kennedy Interp – “and/or” means 3 options Jeongbin Ok, Safety material and system¶ EP 2619826 A2 (text from WO2012039632A2), Publication date Jul 31, 2013¶ http://www.google.com/patents/EP2619826A2?cl=en
The word "or" signifies that … credit toward the POS.
Vio – the plan does not choose judicial or statutory restrictions
Vote negative – plan is legally void, impossible agreement – zero solvency, roll-back, jurisdiction CONTRACT CHAPTER 149 OF THE LAWS¶ 1959 EDITION¶ PRINTED BY¶ C. F. ROWORTH LIMITED, 54, GRAFTON WAY, LONDON, W.1.¶ Appointed by the Government of Cyprus the Government Printers of this Edition of Laws within, the meaning of the Evidence (Colonial Statutes)Act, 1907. 1959¶ 1st January, 1931.¶ 1949 Cap. 192. 25 of 53. 7 of 56 32. Contingent contracts to do or … contracts become void.
2AC Critical Thinking- AFF’s have to anticipate Negative block strategy, which forces them to critical judgments about the round instead of reading their usual blocks.
2. Education- increases the breadth of education via different arguments. AND Breadth outweighs Depth because we are introduced to more types of args that will force us to research them—this solves the internal link into their depth argument.
3. Neg Flexibility- Being able to kick the Counterplan is crucial to effective negative strategizing because it allows us to test the Aff best from the most ways later in the debate. This is key to ground and fairness. Also, This outweighs Aff flexibility because infinite prep, first/last speech, picking the topic, and win percentage prove it’s hard to be Neg.
4. The logic behind “permutations” justifies conditionality – the CP can’t just be better than the plan, it has to be a reason the plan shouldn’t pass. If they must prove the plan should pass it’s not enough for them to prove it’s better than one other option
Belief in nuclear extinction is a product of racism and Eurocentrism MARTIN 1984 (Dr Brian Martin is a physicist whose research interests include stratospheric modelling. He is a research associate in the Dept. of Mathematics, Faculty of Science, Australian National University, and a member of SANA, SANA UPDATE, MARCH) There are quite a number of reasons why people may find a belief in extinction AND the poor, nonwhite Third World peoples, other issues are more pressing.
And no extinction Yehoshua Socol (Ph.D.), an inter-disciplinary physicist, is an expert in electro-optics, high-energy physics and applications, and material science and Moshe Yanovskiy, Jan 2, 2011, “Nuclear Proliferation and Democracy”, http://www.americanthinker.com/2011/01/nuclear_proliferation_and_demo.html, CMR
Nuclear proliferation should no longer be treated as an unthinkable nightmare; it is likely AND reality will most probably contain fewer nuclear-possessing states than the former.
No extinction - flawed studies Seitz 11, Harvard University Center for International Affairs visiting scholar, (Russell, “Nuclear winter was and is debatable,” Nature, 7-7-11, Vol 475, pg37, accessed 9-27-11, CMR)Alan Robockand#39;s contention that there has been no real scientific debate about the and#39;nuclear winterand#39; concept is itself debatable (Nature 473, 275–276; 2011). … and#39;nuclear winterand#39; into question.
Counter-interpretation: We should evaluate ontology first
Praxis oriented discourse has created worse conditions for imperialism and the destruction of politics. SPANOS 08, William V. American exceptionalism in the age of globalization : the specter of Vietnam 2008 p 28-30
The "political Left" of the 1980s, which inaugurated the momentum "against AND and efficiently administering the Roman Empire in the name of the Pax Romana.
They say aff choice, but we are impact turning this argument, because the framework they have chosen is a violent one, which means we also don’t link to this arugment, because we should get ground as to why their FW is bad
They say predictability: Not a reason why we aren’t predictable, but Spanos is the most predictable on this topic, because
They say weigh the aff:
1 – No you don’t, we have questioned the truth claims behind the 1AC, they do not get to just assume their aff is true without justifying it.
2 – Ontology is over-determined by policy, because every policy has some sort of ontological understanding of the world. That’s our Spanos evidence that says we need to inject ontology into politics to correct this flawed understanding of the world.
3 – Even if they win that their impacts are true, they still do not get to weigh the aff, because we are also indicting the way they solve their impacts and the justifications they use to do so, that was all on the link debate.
They say competitive that’s false, because we don’t make it impossible to be aff
AT: Fear of Death is key to value to life
Our Park and Swizzo evidence is preferable, because this card just says no fear of death causes us to waste our life, but Park explicitly says fear of death is exactly what kills value to life, because we never feel safe and live a paranoic life devoid of all meaning. AT: Paterson in ‘3
This is non-responsive to our park evidence, which indicates their fear and anxiety towards our finitude as indivuals is what causes their impacts, because we will do anything to try to make us fell safe this justifies acting out against innocent people and using drones to kill civilians and not even kill who we were targeting.
AT: Realism
Alt solves we provide a better version of realism by reconceptualize the way we view terrorists and other individuals which means even if it is inevitable this can never be offense to them.
Calls of realism are hijacked by imperialists to justify a never ending war. Spanos, William V. 2008 American exceptionalism in the age of globalization : the specter of Vietnam P 96
By overdetermining the role of York Harding’s books in the clandestine terrorist practice of Alden AND in their very resistance to its disclosures, remarkably exemplary of this witness.
Realism ignores war and conflict’s effect on society. This eliminates the possibilities of identifying other causes of war and possible reductions or solutions to its existence. Roberts 08 (Adrian Bua, “Contesting Neo-Realism and Liberal Idealism; Where do Hopes for a ‘Perpetual Peace’ Lie?” e-International Relations. http://www.e-ir.info/?p=507) Realism may not be “losing itself” in presently hegemonic ideas, a synchronic AND .Ultimately, realism suffocates International Relations like Creationist dogma suffocates Evolutionary Science.
AT: FW Avoid Risk
Not responsive to our argument we say status quo risk calculus is bad this will be on the Util debate.
2nd our alternative solves this, because we reconceptualize the way in which we calculate risk and make it better, specifically we won’t kill to save post-plan.
This is another link to all of our link arguments about how their risk calculus is bad that was all the terrorism and other links on case
Util Frontline
Their emphasis on spectacles of violence enables them to accept the rules of current power structures as part of a ritualized acquiescence to white supremacy. This makes everyday forms of violence unrecognizable Martinot and Sexton 2003 Steve and Jared, Steve is a lecturer at San Francisco State University in the Center for Interdisciplinary Programs Jared is Associate Professor African American Studies School of Humanities Associate Professor, Film and Media Studies School of Humanities at UC Irvine Ph.D., University of California, Berkeley, Comparative Ethnic Studies, “The Avant-Garde of White Supremacy, Social Identities, Volume 9, Number 2, 2003 p.171-172 Most theories of white supremacy seek to plumb the depths of its excessiveness, beyond AND logic; it is, in fact, nothing but its very practices.
The impact to this consideration of ontology is annihilation Spanos 08 William Spanos, American Exceptionalism in the Age of Globalization: The Specter of Vietnam, pg. 95-97
Huntington, too, like virtually all of the neoconservative deputies of the Bush administration AND in their very resistance to its disclosures, remarkably exemplary of this witness.
The political logic employed by cost benefit utilitarianism is a form of ethical decision-making that strips life of any value. This produces a calculus that routinizes the killing of others where any atrocity is forgotten in the name of exceptionalist progress. SPANOS 2000 William V, anatomy of an empire, P 272
20. Michael Herr, Dispatches (New York: Vintage, 1991), 71 AND no existence for them" (Ohmann, English in America, 202).
AT: Kuresawa
Internal link turns all of their predictions claims Apocalyptic predictions are constructed by alarmists to advance personal interests Kurasawa, Associate Professor of Sociology, Political Science, and Social and Political Thought at York University in Toronto, 2004 (Fuyuki Karasawa, “Cautionary Tales: The Global Culture of Prevention and The Work of Foresight”, NM, http://www.yorku.ca/kurasawa/Kurasawa20Articles/Constellations20Article.pdf)
Up to this point, I have tried to demonstrate that transnational socio-political AND ideas beget a culture of fear, the reverse is no less true.
