Tournament: Cedanats | Round: 2 | Opponent: John Carroll Stolfer-Massarelli | Judge: Johnson
The day America lost her innocence-the terror attacks of September 11 initiated a surge towards security that was legitimized through a series of gendered archetypes. The framing of the attacks as a violation is the necessary starting point to radicalize the logic of male protectionism that seeks to eradicate the feminine ‘other’ as retribution for emasculation. Since the War on Terror has been waged, international identity politics has adhered to militarized gender identities that create the authoritarian surveillance state that colonizes in pursuit of security
Cole 08
(Alyson, Associate Professor of Political Science at Queens Col- lege and the Graduate Center, City University of New York, “The other v-word: the politics of victimhood fueling George W. Bush’s war machine,” Feminism and War, chapter 8, 2008)

President George W. Bush’s conception of the post-9/11 geo-moral landscape renders him a practitioner …. States found its groove again by rediscovering its ancient mission, its manifest destiny, as a model to the nations of the world.

Gendered identities in the discourse of the war on terror secure the politics of violence and desire as mechanisms that globalize colonial violence and exploit the masses. The current radicalization of identities create the hypergendered conditions that position the war on terror as a never ending battle against the other and culminates in the militarization of daily life and indefinite war
Agathangelou and Ling 04
(Anna M, Ph.D. is an Associate Professor in Political Science and Women’s Studies at York University, Toronto and co-director of Global Change Institute, Nicosia. L.H.M, L.H.M. Ling is Associate Professor on the Graduate Program in International Affairs at The New School. “Power, Borders, Security, Wealth: Lessons of Violence and Desire From September 11” International Studies Quarterly, June 2004)

We extend these insights to notions of power, borders, security, and wealth. They do not reflect objective, compartmentalized categories, as in realist/liberal international relations theory…. as much as hyperfeminine militancy (e.g., Muslim women producing babies for war against the ‘‘colonizer’’/ ‘‘infidel,’’ white women ‘‘liberating’’ native women).

This configuration of state power enables the executive to determine who is entitled to human status. Identifying the ‘enemy’ as a dangerous population in need of restraint is a gendered discursive distancing that reduces people to animal status where there bodies represent objects of control. The New War Prison is the site of a legally maintained permanent war where only people who are not people are indefinitely detained
Butler 04
 (Judith, “Indefinite Detention” from Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, 2004 http://loneberry.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/indefinite-detention-precarious_life__the_power_of_mourning_and_violence.pdf)

If it is the person, or the people, who are deemed dangerous, and no dangerous acts need to be proven to establish this as true, then the state constitutes the detained population… the rules that govern combat are in place, but not the rules that govern the proper treatment of prisoners separated from the war itself.

The legal identification of dangerous populations reinforces the colonial conceptions of human that posits an essentialist dichotomy between civilized and uncivilized and which defines the ideal human according to masculinity, whiteness and heterosexuality
Philipose 08
(Elizabeth, Associate Professor, Department of Women’s Stud- ies, California State University Long Beach, researches the political cul- ture of international laws of war and, currently, spiritualized feminisms in an era of torture consciousness, “Decolonizing the racial grammar of international law” Feminism and War, 2008)
Antony Anghie traces the creation of international law-making and demonstrates that from the sixteenth century CE until today,… promotes the centrality of the civilized; and it contemplates no other approaches to the problems of society than those which have been formulated by the civilized. (Anghie 2005: 112)

Indefinite detention is the ultimate expression of state sovereignty that evades the scope of law. The national security crisis fueling the war on terror creates a form of power that is exclusively concerned with maintaining and controlling bodies.
Butler 04
(Judith, “Indefinite Detention” from Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, 2004 http://loneberry.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/indefinite-detention-precarious_life__the_power_of_mourning_and_violence.pdf)
In the name of a security alert and national emergency, the law is effectively suspended in both its national and international forms… se that are vital for us, and what vitalizes those issues within modernity, according to Foucault, is governmentalization.

Guantanamo represents a global discourse of punishment that has become legally accepted which normalizes divisions based upon gender, race, and class. This transforms the sovereign into a punishment machine, making violence inevitable and turning the prisoners at Guantanomo into the personification of homo sacer –the space between two deaths…. Just ghost detainees who aren’t fit to live but aren’t fit to die.
Brown 5 (Professor of Crimonolgy and Sociology at Ohio State, 2005 (American Quarterly, 57:3, 973-977, MUSE)
Abu Ghraib, like Guantanamo and other U.S. military prisons, marks the kind of penal expansion that takes place in the context of wars with no end:… a sense, at a new border that is very old, caught at the crossroads, left alone with America, asking, and with considerable trepidation, what will our futures be?

Torture functions alongside international law to draw populations into modernity using humiliation and masculine dominance to civilize and maintains a conception of humanity that institutionalizes gendered and racialized violence through the demonization, dehumanization and sexual dominance of the other. Interrogating the colonial foundations of the current legal system to understand the impulses of the war on terror
Philipose 08
(Elizabeth, Associate Professor, Department of Women’s Studies, California State University Long Beach, researches the political cul- ture of international laws of war and, currently, spiritualized feminisms in an era of torture consciousness, “Decolonizing the racial grammar of international law” Feminism and War, 2008)
The appeal of international law to legal positivists and feminists alike, in providing compensation for violence endured, derives from the claim that international… misunderstand the impulses and intentions of the GWAT and ultimately we cannot make feminist sense of current US foreign policy or international law.

There is no productive discussion of the resolution without the aff - The return of the prerogative state begins with the story of the collective violence America suffered via the terrorist attacks. The new war prison is the key site to examine because it represents the current configuration of state power
Butler 04
(Judith, “Indefinite Detention” from Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, 2004 http://loneberry.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/indefinite-detention-precarious_life__the_power_of_mourning_and_violence.pdf)
Even as Foucault offered an account of governmentality that emerged as a consequence of the devitalization… that a parallel exercise of illegitimate decision is exercised within the field¶ of governmentality.

The rhetoric of war shapes what is considered civilization and who can claim “human” status. The New War Prison is an empty space within the domain of the law. The extra judicial sphere of life legitimizes the inhumane treatment of prisoners at and is indicative of a permanent penal future.
Butler 04
(Judith, “Indefinite Detention” from Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, 2004 http://loneberry.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/indefinite-detention-precarious_life__the_power_of_mourning_and_violence.pdf)

A spurious notion of civilization provides the measure by which the human is defined at the same time … constitutional and international law, but also the very ways in which the future may or may not be thought.

The dehumanization of the subject in the New War Prison is a demonstration of a narrow understanding of ‘human’ justifying endless violence through colonial domination
Butler 04
(Judith, “Indefinite Detention” from Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, 2004 http://loneberry.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/indefinite-detention-precarious_life__the_power_of_mourning_and_violence.pdf)

The fact that these prisoners are seen as pure vessels of violence, as Rumsfeld… mosque movement, or whose political implications are pacifist.

A rethinking of humanity is called for because dehumanization is produced by a severely limited conception of the human
Butler 04
(Judith, “Indefinite Detention” from Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, 2004 http://loneberry.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/indefinite-detention-precarious_life__the_power_of_mourning_and_violence.pdf)

If we assume that everyone who is human goes to war like us, and that this is part of… ways, and in this sense human rights law has yet to understand the full meaning of the human. It is, we might say, an ongoing task of human rights to reconceive the human when it finds that its

Tournament: Fullerton | Round: 6 | Opponent: Georgetown Bauerschmidt Sweeney-Malla | Judge: Dunn
Contention 1 is The War on Terror:
The war on terror activated a new gendered binary into international politics, used to authorize military action and exclude alterative ways of doing and being that staged the return on the prerogative state through globalized militarization.
Pettman 04
(Jan Jindy, Director of Centre for Women’s studies at the Australian National University, “Feminist International Relations After 9/11,” Brown Journal of World Affairs, Winter/Spring 2004, Vol 10, Issue 2)

9/11 did not change the world for feminists. The terror attacks and
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demise of the state had never applied to the high politics long favored in IR.

The rhetoric of ‘saving women’ was appropriated into the executive framing of the war on terror so that the military solution was appropriate retribution for violating the victimized nation state. Simplified, male protectionism became the subtext of the war on terror, foisting the civic identity of ‘soldier’ upon men and women the objects of their cause. 

Cole 08
(Alyson, Associate Professor of Political Science at Queens Col- lege and the Graduate Center, City University of New York, “The other v-word: the politics of victimhood fueling George W. Bush’s war machine,” Feminism and War, chapter 8, 2008)

Consider the range of feminine, feminized, and unmasculine tropes that populate post-
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, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women.

Framing 9/11 as a loss of innocence is the necessary starting point for a cultural narrative that dismantles public opposition and fuels rampant militarism. The rape metaphor was key in developing the war on terror.
Cole 08
(Alyson, Associate Professor of Political Science at Queens Col- lege and the Graduate Center, City University of New York, “The other v-word: the politics of victimhood fueling George W. Bush’s war machine,” Feminism and War, chapter 8, 2008)

Numerous commentators point to 9/11 as the date America lost her innocence,
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undermine the nation’s claim to a place within the Cult of True Victimhood.

This gendered notion of victimization and othering is THE justification for continuous expansion of executive war powers. The militarization of daily life redefines citizenship such that dissent is criminalized and transforms the nation state into a household, gendering the civilian population as feminized victims in need of protection by the masculinized state and his own, executive authority.
Agathangelou and Ling 04
(Anna M, Ph.D. is an Associate Professor in Political Science and Women’s Studies at York University, Toronto and co-director of Global Change Institute, Nicosia. L.H.M, L.H.M. Ling is Associate Professor on the Graduate Program in International Affairs at The New School. “Power, Borders, Security, Wealth: Lessons of Violence and Desire From September 11” International Studies Quarterly, June 2004)

Transnationalizing insecurity means militarizing daily life. As legitimized by Homeland Security, the American
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more male workers may join such ranks as well (Krugman, 2002). 

The gendered constructions of the nation as victim utilize an approach to suffering that resurrects the grand narrative of US manifest destiny and imperial conquest that valorize masculine heroism and deploy violent conflict.
Cole 08
(Alyson, Associate Professor of Political Science at Queens Col- lege and the Graduate Center, City University of New York, “The other v-word: the politics of victimhood fueling George W. Bush’s war machine,” Feminism and War, chapter 8, 2008)

President George W. Bush’s conception of the post-9/11 geo-
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its manifest destiny, as a model to the nations of the world.
Neoliberal globalization forces the feminized ‘others’ to convert or be subject to modernized colonial tactics such as ‘conditionalities’ from its intuitions or regime change.  
Ling 08
(L.H.M., Associate Professor on the Graduate Program in International Affairs at The New School, “BORDERLANDS: A Postcolonial-Feminist Alternative to Neoliberal Self/Other Relations” International Affairs Working Paper, March 2008) 

Here, gender plays in high relief. In claiming center status, colonial patriarchy
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). Crises in the international political economy expose such hypermasculine whiteness most explicitly.

The use of women’s bodies as objects of male protectionism guarantees continued colonial conflict, and demands a rhetorical corrective to liberate liberal feminism from its masculinized military saviors.
Agathangelou and Ling 04
(Anna M, Ph.D. is an Associate Professor in Political Science and Women’s Studies at York University, Toronto and co-director of Global Change Institute, Nicosia. L.H.M, L.H.M. Ling is Associate Professor on the Graduate Program in International Affairs at The New School. “Power, Borders, Security, Wealth: Lessons of Violence and Desire From September 11” International Studies Quarterly, June 2004)

Women’s bodies are used, additionally, to mystify the conflicts and contestations that afflict
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,’’ ‘‘regime change,’’ and ‘‘nation- building.’’

The derealization of the other through discursive distancing is the precondition for dehumanization and guarantees violence.
Butler 04
(Judith, “Violence, Mourning and Politics” from Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, 2004)

If violence is done against those who are unreal, then, from the perspective
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deaths in the media? Are there names¶ attached to those children?

Contention 2 is framing:
Militaristic rhetoric of the war on terror produces the hierarchized authority and deference that cultivate the hyper-secured surveillance state.
Einstein 07
(Zillah, Emerita Professor, Department of Politics at Ithaca College, specializing in politics of class, sex, and race; political theory; feminist theories; gender construction, “Resexing militarism for the globe” Feminism and War, 2007)

War is our cultural metaphor. We war on drugs, on AIDS, on
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of the Vietnam War to construct the new heroes and patriots of today.

The actions of the United States establish a norm to recognize what is ‘american.’ The extra legal sovereign maintains its mastery warring against terror, and deploys feminism as a trope to affirm First World impermeability aimed at denying its vulnerability.
 Butler 04
(Judith, “Violence, Mourning and Politics” from Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, 2004)

Nations are not the same as individual psyches, but both can be described as
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as they are imagined and lived in the horizon of a counterimperialist egalitarianism.

Demanding recognition of bodily vulnerability as an innate facet of the human condition is necessary to reconfiguring power dynamics and establish a framework for universal humanization for all subjects.
Butler 04
(Judith, “Violence, Mourning and Politics” from Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, 2004)

Negotiating a sudden and unprecedented vulnerability-what are the options? What are the
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for their establishment, and that we value their continuing and expanded operation.

Women’s approaches to conflict resolution must be given critical mass to disrupt the elite monopoly on public discourse and effectively challenge ongoing military conflict and executive authority.
Agathangelou and Ling 04
(Anna M, Ph.D. is an Associate Professor in Political Science and Women’s Studies at York University, Toronto and co-director of Global Change Institute, Nicosia. L.H.M, L.H.M. Ling is Associate Professor on the Graduate Program in International Affairs at The New School. “Power, Borders, Security, Wealth: Lessons of Violence and Desire From September 11” International Studies Quarterly, June 2004)

Let us (re)consider visions of security and insecurity, state and nation
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material, to make “another world possible” (George, 2002).

Public discourse must recognize the Self’s intersubjective complicity with the Other to interrogate and complicate the war machine and reconstruct Self/Other identity relations.
Agathangelou and Ling 04
(Anna M, Ph.D. is an Associate Professor in Political Science and Women’s Studies at York University, Toronto and co-director of Global Change Institute, Nicosia. L.H.M, L.H.M. Ling is Associate Professor on the Graduate Program in International Affairs at The New School. “Power, Borders, Security, Wealth: Lessons of Violence and Desire From September 11” International Studies Quarterly, June 2004)

We need to reframe Self-Other identities and relations. Despite disparate power positions
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of dominance in both suppress conflicts of interest that uphold their common legitimacy?

Understanding vulnerability as a formative aspect of subject is crucial to non violence and developing empathetic relations to the other.
Butler 04
(Judith, “Violence, Mourning and Politics” from Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence, 2004)

I have moved in this essay perhaps too blithely among speculations on the body as
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place with reference to the operation of power and the persistence of vulnerability.