Tournament: Umkc | Round: 1 | Opponent: MoState HM | Judge: Sean Kennedy
Despite promises by the Obama administration to close Guantanamo it remains a center of indefinite detention
Huffington Post 8-7, 2013 (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rev-richard-l-killmer/force-feeding-must-stop_b_3713678.html)
More than 11 years after the U.S. government transported the first prisoners
AND
commitment to the rule of law, and undermines our struggle against terrorism.

The use of executive privilege over indefinite detention is the elimination of the law to extend managerial power.
Butler 4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 61-62 – AH)
My own view is that a contemporary version of sovereignty,¶ animated by an aggressive
AND
¶ returns to the executive, and the separation of powers is eclipsed.

Current legal strategies work to maintain and extend Govermentality
Houen 2006 (Alex ecturer in Modern Literature and American Studies in the Department of English Literature at the University of Sheffield; Sovereignty, Biopolitics, and the Use of Literature: Michel Foucault and Kathy Acker; Theory and Event 9(1); kdf)
What about the issue of biopolitical government, though? We saw earlier that Foucault
AND
suspension. Indefinite detention is thus an infinite prolongation of sovereignty's resuscitated power.

Specifically military tribunals are forms of executive power where there are no checks on the expansion of Govermentality. Tribunals are created, used, and enforced by the executive whenever they desire. The people who are tried are subjected to no true trial but are left as victims of the state. 

Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 74-76 AH)
The danger that these prisoners are said to pose is unlike dangers¶ that might
AND
that has already been usurped by a tragic¶ facsimile of a trial.

Govermentality functions through managerial powers and practices that function to enforce discipline on mass populations. 

Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 51-56 AH)
Foucault wrote in 1978 that governmentality, understood as the way¶ in which political
AND
executive that precede the¶ emergence of the state in its modern form.

War Prisons are an ultimate form of Governmentality. These institutions assume total control of life and death. 

Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 94-95 – AH)
For Foucault, then, governmentality regards laws as tactics; their¶ operation is
AND
of national security, the protection of principality, the¶ continuing and augmented
Those who are detained indefinitely by the US have no ability to challenge their detention thus they are excluded from the law rendering them as less than human. This process allows for the detainees lives to become ungrievable lives.
Butler 4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg 56-59 – AH)
With the publication of the new regulations, the US government¶ holds that a
AND
a ghostly and forceful resurgence of sovereignty in the midst¶ of governmentality.¶ 

Ungrievable lives are subjected to endless violence and are ontologically excluded. 

Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 33-34 – AH)
I am referring not only to humans not regarded as humans, and thus to
AND
grounds to suspect the continuing operation¶ of terror cells with violent aims.
The Biopolitical judgment of what a “human” is allows for the justification of atrocities that are continually committed against populations that are deemed disposable or ungrievable to allow for total domination of all forms of life. 

Pugliese 2013 (Joseph Associate professor of cultural studies @ Macquarie University; State Violence and the Execution of Law Biopolitical Caesurae of Torture, Black Sites, Drones; p. 224-6; kdf)
For me, these other possibilities are cryptically encoded in another oracular¶ pronouncement by
AND
subjects and entities that have been outlawed from the ground of the ethical.
Thus: Austin and I advocate that the United States Federal Government should restrict the presidential war powers by releasing those who are unlawfully held indefinitely by the United States government.
The only way to solve for indefinite detention is the release of detainees.
Chow 2011 Samuel JD @ Cardozo; The Kiyemba Paradox: Creating a Judicial Framework to Eradicate Indefinite, Unlawful Executive Detentions; 19 Cardozo J. Int'l and Comp. L. 775; kdf)

This Note examines the availability of habeas review in executive terrorist detentions. Specifically,
AND
when unlawful detentions reach a point where they can be characterized as unreasonable.
Part II examines the historical evolution of habeas corpus and demonstrates that its significance as
AND
in Kiyemba, run counter to current understandings of the executive immigration authority.

The 1AC is a site of resistance to the power of the War Prison which allows for questions of identity and exclusion to be brought into the debate space. 

Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 98-99 – AH)
It may seem that the normative implication of my analysis is that I wish the
AND
those discourses that shape and deform what we mean by "the human."
Our exposure of law reveals the mythico- juridical violence of governmentality
Lewis 2013 (Tyson E. Professor of Education at Montclair State University, “Education as Free Use: Giorgio Agamben on Studious Play, Toys, and the Inoperative Schoolhouse”, Study of Philosophy Education, May 2013, Pg. 6, Vance)

Although these two readings of play—positive and negative—are interesting, they
AND
nor ritual but rather the zone of indistinction that lies between the two.

Dehumanization occurs on a discursive level.

Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 36 – AH)
Dehumanization's relation to discourse is complex. It would be¶ too simple to claim
AND
an identification 'with those who identify with the perpetrators of that¶ violence.

Tournament: Wichita State | Round: 1 | Opponent: Concordia Bosch Snelling | Judge: Paul Leader
Same 1ac as the other entries, there are two new cards at the bottom

Despite promises by the Obama administration indefinite detention continues.  ====
Huffington Post 8-7, 2013 (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rev-richard-l-killmer/force-feeding-must-stop_b_3713678.html-http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rev-richard-l-killmer/force-feeding-must-stop_b_3713678.html)
More than 11 years after the U.S. government transported the first prisoners
AND
commitment to the rule of law, and undermines our struggle against terrorism.

The use of executive privilege over indefinite detention is the expansion of law to justify the dominance of life.

Butler 4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, "Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence", pg. 61-62 – AH)
My own view is that a contemporary version of sovereignty,¶ animated by an aggressive
AND
¶ returns to the executive, and the separation of powers is eclipsed.

This expansion of the law or governmentality works to extend Biopolitical managerial power over all aspects of life.

Houen 2006 (Alex ~ecturer in Modern Literature and American Studies in the Department of English Literature at the University of Sheffield~; Sovereignty, Biopolitics, and the Use of Literature: Michel Foucault and Kathy Acker; Theory 26 Event 9(1); kdf)
What about the issue of biopolitical government, though? We saw earlier that Foucault
AND
suspension. Indefinite detention is thus an infinite prolongation of sovereignty’s resuscitated power.

====The extra-legal practices justified by the war on terror enable the most violent forms of governmentality ====
Butler ’4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, "Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence", pg. 94-95 – AH)
For Foucault, then, governmentality regards laws as tactics; their¶ operation is
AND
of national security, the protection of principality, the¶ continuing and augmented

====Those who are detained indefinitely by the US have no chance to challenge their detention because of the extra-legal practices that justify their subjugation. This leads to the detainees being deemed as less than human which makes them ungrievable lives.  ====
Butler 4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, "Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence", pg 56-59 – AH)
With the publication of the new regulations, the US government¶ holds that a
AND
a ghostly and forceful resurgence of sovereignty in the midst¶ of governmentality.¶ 

These ungrievable lives are subjected to endless violence and ontologically excluded. 
Butler ’4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, "Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence", pg. 33-34 – AH)
I am referring not only to humans not regarded as humans, and thus to
AND
grounds to suspect the continuing operation¶ of terror cells with violent aims.

====This judgment of what lives are "livable" is a form of Biopolitics that justifies the extermination of all that falls outside of the norm. This current form of extra-legal justification is what allows for atrocities to continually be justified, which leads to total domination of all forms of life.  ====
Pugliese 2013 (Joseph ~Associate professor of cultural studies @ Macquarie University~; State Violence and the Execution of Law Biopolitical Caesurae of Torture, Black Sites, Drones; p. 224-6; kdf)
For me, these other possibilities are cryptically encoded in another oracular¶ pronouncement by
AND
subjects and entities that have been outlawed from the ground of the ethical.

Thus, Austin and I advocate the following: The Supreme Court of the United States should mandate in the next available test case that the president’s war power authority to indefinitely detain should be eliminated.

The only way to solve for indefinite detention is the release of detainees.

Chow 2011 ~Samuel ~JD @ Cardozo~; The Kiyemba Paradox: Creating a Judicial Framework to Eradicate Indefinite, Unlawful Executive Detentions; 19 Cardozo J. Int’l 26 Comp. L. 775; kdf)

This Note examines the availability of habeas review in executive terrorist detentions. Specifically,
AND
when unlawful detentions reach a point where they can be characterized as unreasonable.
Part II examines the historical evolution of habeas corpus and demonstrates that its significance as
AND
in Kiyemba, run counter to current understandings of the executive immigration authority.

====The application of Munaf and Kiyemba will create a restriction on the president’s power to indefinitely detain. ====
Chow 2011 ~Samuel ~JD @ Cardozo~; The Kiyemba Paradox: Creating a Judicial Framework to Eradicate Indefinite, Unlawful Executive Detentions; 19 Cardozo J. Int’l 26 Comp. L. 775; kdf)

The Kiyemba petitioners were seventeen Uighurs from China’s Xinjiang Province who had traveled to Afghanistan
AND
. In light of the pronounced factual differences, that application is troubling.

====The use of the law can be an antagonism. We can resist through the law to check back against violent forms of Biopolitics and questions the precarity of life. ====
Loizidou 07 (Dr. Elena Loizidou, Senior Lecturer in Law at the Birkbeck University of London. Judith Butler: Ethics, Law, Politics pg 125-126 – AH)
The reinterpretation of the norm, through the praxis of resistance, allows¶ one’s
AND
, serve as the ’ground’ of a future non-violent law.

The 1AC is a site of resistance to the power of the War Prison in the debate space.

Butler ’4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, "Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence", pg. 98-99 – AH)
It may seem that the normative implication of my analysis is that I wish the
AND
those discourses that shape and deform what we mean by "the human."

Governmentality uses tactics such as the politics of fear—The US refuses to release detainees because of the slight risk they provide intelligence—this devalues life and justifies the worst atrocities imaginable

Debrix and Barder 2012 (Francois ~prof of polis ci @ Virginia Tech~ and Alexander D. ~Dept of political Sci @ American U of Beirut~; Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, Violence, And Horror in World Politics; p. 58-60; kdf)
Although never directly posed by Foucault, these questions are nevertheless¶ prompted by his
AND
put to "good" social effects by agents/¶ agencies of government.

Voting affirmative is a unique opportunity to challenge and expose the terror of governmentality

Debrix and Barder 2012 (Francois ~prof of polis ci @ Virginia Tech~ and Alexander D. ~Dept of political Sci @ American U of Beirut~; Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, Violence, And Horror in World Politics; p. 62-3; kdf)
Asking how the productivity of fear by way of agents/agencies of governmentalized¶
AND
operation that the quotidian politics¶ of terror is best maintained and reproduced.

====The affirmatives recognition of the subjugation of bodies who are indefinitely detained allows for a political alternative. ====
Debrix and Barder 2012 (Francois ~prof of polis ci @ Virginia Tech~ and Alexander D. ~Dept of political Sci @ American U of Beirut~; Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, Violence, And Horror in World Politics; p. 81-2; kdf)

In a recent analysis of Guantanamo’s Camp Delta as an allegedly prototypical¶ contemporary site
AND
of¶ virtuality is important to contemporary instances of agonal terror and horror.

Anything short of voting affirmative guarantees the cynicism of the status quo – where the idea of detaining individuals because of a risk of "intelligence" is acceptable

Debrix and Barder 2012 (Francois ~prof of polis ci @ Virginia Tech~ and Alexander D. ~Dept of political Sci @ American U of Beirut~; Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, Violence, And Horror in World Politics; p. 66; kdf)
Among other things, what Dillon’s thought on emergent living/being indicates¶ is
AND
emergent humanity, there is indeed¶ nothing to fear but fear itself.

Tournament: D3 | Round: 4 | Opponent: Kansas KS | Judge: Corey Stone
The discourse of nuclear weapons is shrouded through secrecy via a politics of fear these discourses are designed to scare the public away from investigating deeper making extinction inevitable -- Only by challenging the executive’s ability to use nuclear weapons and reevaluating the politics can create the conditions for disarm.
Zacher 13 (Jules Zacher sole practitioner engaged in the practice of law since 1974) 4/19/2013 “Presidential Authority and Nuclear Weapons: Taking Back Our Rights” online @ https://www.law.upenn.edu/live/files/1942-zacherpresidential-authority-and-nuclear-weapons, X

2. Secrecy As stated by Dr. Robert Jay Lifton The myth of the
AND
.Indeed, the very existence of Mankind depends on such an effort.

Life has no value in a world of nuclear weapons—only injecting anti-nuclear discourse into the public realm can reverse the depolitiziation caused by nuclear reclusion
Fishel 08 (Stefanie Dept of Political Science @ John Hopkins, "Nuclear Collective Memories, Hidden Histories, and Remembering the Future", Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISA's 49th ANNUAL CONVENTION, BRIDGING MULTIPLE DIVIDES, Hilton San Francisco, SAN FRANCISCO, CA, USA Online, kdf)

Historically, nuclear debates in the United States have centered on the “unspeakability”
AND
of nuclearism on the whole due to the sublime nature of nuclear weapons.. 

Current nuclear debates focus on the world as it currently is—instead; we should posit demands for total disarmament to disrupt the politics of what “is” with the politics of what “should” be
Kampleman 06 (Max M. headed the U.S. delegation to the negotiations on nuclear and space arms in Geneva from 1985 to 1989, We Should, so we Can: Life Without the Bomb, http://www.commondreams.org/views06/0424-21.htm, kdf)

In my lifetime, I have witnessed two successful titanic struggles by civilized society against
AND
, as I can imagine Reagan saying, let us summon the will.¶

Demanding the impossible is good—anything short of demands for zero nuclear weapons allows the violence of the status quo to persist
Booth and Wheeler in 92 (Ken Personal Chair in the Department of International Politics @ University of Wales and Nicholas J. UN Security Council; Security Without Nuclear Weapons; ed: Regina Cowen Karp; p. 51-5; kdf) 

The research agenda just proposed offers considerable scope for those who have decided or will
AND
crucial even if, in practice, it does not now appear achievable.¶ 

We need to shift the discussion on nuclear weapons away from “experts” so that we can repoliticize the debate about nuclear politics in the context of contemporary problems. Re-centering the political debate about nuclear weapons is key to solve extinction in many forms.  
Cohen 10 (Peter G, The People's Nuclear Posture Review, 12th March, http://www.truthout.org/the-peoples-nuclear-posture-review57603, kdf)

Who decides our national and nuclear policy?¶ (a) REQUIREMENT FOR COMPREHENSIVE REVIEW
AND
the technology of death for more humane purposes. The choice is ours.

US nuclear weapons ensure that we are all dead—only reclaiming the discourse on nuclear weapons can reverse this trend
Scarry 2014 (Elaine Cabot Prof of Aesthetics and the General Theory of Value @ Harvard; Thermonuclear Monarchy; p. 6-13; kdf)
Nuclear weapons conform to the flexible floor model in four ways. One:¶ They
AND
our eyes¶ half closed and our ears not yet able to hear.
The university has ceded to the right in regards to nuclear discourse—only voting affirmative to call out the executive’s power of the bomb can reclaim the political and creates the conditions to make disarm possible
Schneider 2014 (Nathan; A Literary Scholar's Voice in the Wilderness; Elaine Scarry fights American complacency about nuclear armst; The Chronicle of Higher Education; Feb 17; The Chronicle Review; Opinion and Ideas; kdf)
John Dear is a Catholic priest who has chosen an especially haunted place to keep
AND
"I think it is possible that it could just suddenly be gone."

The risks outweigh all else – acting against these policies is the only way to ever move towards change. All other efforts will fail
Lambert 2014 (Craig; Nuclear Weapons of Democracy; harvardmagazine.com/2014/03/nuclear-weapons-or-democracy; kdf)

THE SECRECY that cloaks nuclear policy and the technical aspects of nuclear arms—what
AND
each requires that the other be destroyed. Which one will it be?”

Voting affirmative creates the conditions to escape the esoteric understanding of nuclear weapons—creating change in the real world evident by the nexus between educational institutions and our actions
Anisfield 91 (Nancy Lecturer in the English dept. @ Saint Michael’s College; teaches war lit @ U of Vermont; The Nightmare Considered: Critical Essays on Nuclear War and Literature; p 1; kdf)

This is a difficult moment to present a study of nuclear war literature. As
AND
our activities and what we perceive as 'the real world' " (27).¶ 

Debate is a unique site for taking back the political by tying the politics of hope to the plan by combing critical education political agency and concrete struggle
Giroux 2 (Henry A. Giroux is the Global Television Network Chair in English and Cultural Studies at McMaster University, 2K2 www.henryagiroux.com/online_articles/Tikkun20piece.pdf, “When Hope Is Subversive,” TIKKUN, v.19, #6, KT)

Crafting such a new political language will require what I call “educated hope.”
AND
making authority accountable, and becoming an activating presence in promoting social transformation.

The plan leads to disarmament
Hemesath 2000 (Paul J.D./M.S.F.S. Georgetown University Law Center, School of Foreign Service, 2001; Who's Got the Button? Nuclear War Powers Uncertainty in the Post-Cold War Era; 88 Geo. L.J. 2473; kdf)
It is possible that the heightened tensions of the Cold War also tainted judicial treatment
AND
nuclear weapon was simply not a viable issue during the Cold War. n95

Fidelity to the goal of abolition assures that we aren’t the last generation
Granoff 10 (Jonathon president of the Global Security Institute, senior advisor to the American Bar Assosiation's Committee on Arms Control and National Security, senior advisor to the Nobel Peace Laureate Summit; The Process of Zero; World Policy Journal Winter 2009/10, Vol. 26, No. 4: 85–93; kdf)
History never stands still. The existence of nuclear weapons amplifies our responsibility to determine
AND
a new international political and social architecture that itself makes us more secure.

Tournament: UCO | Round: 2 | Opponent: UTSA CM | Judge: Mike Weitz
Despite promises by the Obama administration indefinite detention continues.  
Huffington Post 8-7, 2013 (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rev-richard-l-killmer/force-feeding-must-stop_b_3713678.html)
More than 11 years after the U.S. government transported the first prisoners
AND
commitment to the rule of law, and undermines our struggle against terrorism.

The use of executive privilege over indefinite detention is the expansion of law to justify the dominance of life.  
Butler 4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 61-62 – AH)
My own view is that a contemporary version of sovereignty,¶ animated by an aggressive
AND
¶ returns to the executive, and the separation of powers is eclipsed.

This expansion of the law or governmentality works to extend Biopolitical managerial power over all aspects of life.
Houen 2006 (Alex ecturer in Modern Literature and American Studies in the Department of English Literature at the University of Sheffield; Sovereignty, Biopolitics, and the Use of Literature: Michel Foucault and Kathy Acker; Theory and Event 9(1); kdf)
What about the issue of biopolitical government, though? We saw earlier that Foucault
AND
suspension. Indefinite detention is thus an infinite prolongation of sovereignty's resuscitated power.

The extra-legal practices justified by the war on terror enable the most violent forms of governmentality
Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 94-95 – AH)
For Foucault, then, governmentality regards laws as tactics; their¶ operation is
AND
of national security, the protection of principality, the¶ continuing and augmented
Those who are detained indefinitely by the US have no ability to challenge their detention because of the extra-legal practices that justify their subjugation. This leads to the detainees being deemed as less than human which makes them ungrievable lives.  
Butler 4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg 56-59 – AH)
With the publication of the new regulations, the US government¶ holds that a
AND
a ghostly and forceful resurgence of sovereignty in the midst¶ of governmentality.¶ 

These ungrievable lives are subjected to endless violence and ontologically excluded.
Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 33-34 – AH)
I am referring not only to humans not regarded as humans, and thus to
AND
grounds to suspect the continuing operation¶ of terror cells with violent aims.
This judgment of what lives are “liveable” is a form of Biopolitics that justifies the extermination of all that falls outside of the norm. This current form of extra-legal justification is what allows for atrocities to continually be justified, which leads to total domination of all forms of life.  
Pugliese 2013 (Joseph Associate professor of cultural studies @ Macquarie University; State Violence and the Execution of Law Biopolitical Caesurae of Torture, Black Sites, Drones; p. 224-6; kdf)
For me, these other possibilities are cryptically encoded in another oracular¶ pronouncement by
AND
subjects and entities that have been outlawed from the ground of the ethical.
Thus: Austin and I advocate that the Supreme Court of the United States should mandate in the next available test case that the president’s ability to indefinitely detain should be eliminated.
The only way to solve for indefinite detention is the release of detainees.
Chow 2011 Samuel JD @ Cardozo; The Kiyemba Paradox: Creating a Judicial Framework to Eradicate Indefinite, Unlawful Executive Detentions; 19 Cardozo J. Int'l and Comp. L. 775; kdf)

This Note examines the availability of habeas review in executive terrorist detentions. Specifically,
AND
when unlawful detentions reach a point where they can be characterized as unreasonable.
Part II examines the historical evolution of habeas corpus and demonstrates that its significance as
AND
in Kiyemba, run counter to current understandings of the executive immigration authority.

The application of Munaf and Kiyemba will create a restriction on the president’s ability to indefinitely detain.
Chow 2011 Samuel JD @ Cardozo; The Kiyemba Paradox: Creating a Judicial Framework to Eradicate Indefinite, Unlawful Executive Detentions; 19 Cardozo J. Int'l and Comp. L. 775; kdf)

The Kiyemba petitioners were seventeen Uighurs from China's Xinjiang Province who had traveled to Afghanistan
AND
. In light of the pronounced factual differences, that application is troubling.

The 1AC is a site of resistance to the power of the War Prison in the debate space.
Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 98-99 – AH)
It may seem that the normative implication of my analysis is that I wish the
AND
those discourses that shape and deform what we mean by "the human."
Our exposure of law reveals the mythico- juridical violence of governmentality by studying the law through the aff.
Lewis 2013 (Tyson E. Professor of Education at Montclair State University, “Education as Free Use: Giorgio Agamben on Studious Play, Toys, and the Inoperative Schoolhouse”, Study of Philosophy Education, May 2013, Pg. 6, Vance)

Although these two readings of play—positive and negative—are interesting, they
AND
nor ritual but rather the zone of indistinction that lies between the two.

Governmentality uses tactics such as the politics of fear—The US refuses to release innocent people because of the slight risk they provide intelligence—this devalues life and justifies the worst atrocities imaginable
Debrix and Barder 2012 (Francois prof of polis ci @ Virginia Tech and Alexander D. Dept of political Sci @ American U of Beirut; Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, Violence, And Horror in World Politics; p. 58-60; kdf)
Although never directly posed by Foucault, these questions are nevertheless¶ prompted by his
AND
put to "good" social effects by agents/¶ agencies of government.

Voting affirmative is a unique opportunity to challenge and expose the terror of governmentality
Debrix and Barder 2012 (Francois prof of polis ci @ Virginia Tech and Alexander D. Dept of political Sci @ American U of Beirut; Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, Violence, And Horror in World Politics; p. 62-3; kdf)
Asking how the productivity of fear by way of agents/agencies of governmentalized¶
AND
operation that the quotidian politics¶ of terror is best maintained and reproduced.

The affirmatives recognition of the subjugation of bodies who are indefinitely detained allows for a political alternative.
Debrix and Barder 2012 (Francois prof of polis ci @ Virginia Tech and Alexander D. Dept of political Sci @ American U of Beirut; Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, Violence, And Horror in World Politics; p. 81-2; kdf)

In a recent analysis of Guantanamo's Camp Delta as an allegedly prototypical¶ contemporary site
AND
of¶ virtuality is important to contemporary instances of agonal terror and horror.

Military tribunals are specifically a form of governmentality as an extra legal practice.
Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 74-76 AH)
The danger that these prisoners are said to pose is unlike dangers¶ that might
AND
that has already been usurped by a tragic¶ facsimile of a trial.

Tournament: Kckcc | Round: 2 | Opponent: MoState HM | Judge: Lauren Sabino
Despite promises by the Obama administration to close Guantanamo it remains a center of indefinite detention
Huffington Post 8-7, 2013 (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rev-richard-l-killmer/force-feeding-must-stop_b_3713678.html)
More than 11 years after the U.S. government transported the first prisoners
AND
commitment to the rule of law, and undermines our struggle against terrorism.

The use of executive privilege over indefinite detention is the elimination of the law to extend managerial power.
Butler 4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 61-62 – AH)
My own view is that a contemporary version of sovereignty,¶ animated by an aggressive
AND
¶ returns to the executive, and the separation of powers is eclipsed.

Current legal strategies work to maintain and extend Govermentality
Houen 2006 (Alex ecturer in Modern Literature and American Studies in the Department of English Literature at the University of Sheffield; Sovereignty, Biopolitics, and the Use of Literature: Michel Foucault and Kathy Acker; Theory and Event 9(1); kdf)
What about the issue of biopolitical government, though? We saw earlier that Foucault
AND
suspension. Indefinite detention is thus an infinite prolongation of sovereignty's resuscitated power.

Specifically military tribunals are forms of executive power where there are no checks on the expansion of Govermentality. Tribunals are created, used, and enforced by the executive whenever they desire. The people who are tried are subjected to no true trial but are left as victims of the state. 

Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 74-76 AH)
The danger that these prisoners are said to pose is unlike dangers¶ that might
AND
that has already been usurped by a tragic¶ facsimile of a trial.

21st century Governmentality operates under a Biopolitics of fear that works to maximize control of populations  
Debrix and Barder 2012 (Francois prof of polis ci @ Virginia Tech and Alexander D. Dept of political Sci @ American U of Beirut; Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, Violence, And Horror in World Politics; p. 50-2; kdf)
However, in this chapter, we also seek to move past Hobbes' and Schmitt's
AND
such, must become the objects of¶ sustained normalization or heightened regulation.
War Prisons are an ultimate form of Governmentality. These institutions assume total control of life and death. 

Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 94-95 – AH)
For Foucault, then, governmentality regards laws as tactics; their¶ operation is
AND
of national security, the protection of principality, the¶ continuing and augmented
Those who are detained indefinitely by the US have no ability to challenge their detention thus they are excluded from the law rendering them as less than human. This process allows for the detainees lives to become ungrievable lives.
Butler 4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg 56-59 – AH)
With the publication of the new regulations, the US government¶ holds that a
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a ghostly and forceful resurgence of sovereignty in the midst¶ of governmentality.¶ 

Ungrievable lives are subjected to endless violence and are ontologically excluded. 

Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 33-34 – AH)
I am referring not only to humans not regarded as humans, and thus to
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grounds to suspect the continuing operation¶ of terror cells with violent aims.
The Biopolitical judgment of what a “human” is allows for the justification of atrocities that are continually committed against populations that are deemed disposable or ungrievable to allow for total domination of all forms of life. 

Pugliese 2013 (Joseph Associate professor of cultural studies @ Macquarie University; State Violence and the Execution of Law Biopolitical Caesurae of Torture, Black Sites, Drones; p. 224-6; kdf)
For me, these other possibilities are cryptically encoded in another oracular¶ pronouncement by
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subjects and entities that have been outlawed from the ground of the ethical.
Thus: Austin and I advocate that the United States Federal Government should restrict the presidential war powers by releasing those who are unlawfully held indefinitely by the United States government. We reserve the right to clarify.
The only way to solve for indefinite detention is the release of detainees.
Chow 2011 Samuel JD @ Cardozo; The Kiyemba Paradox: Creating a Judicial Framework to Eradicate Indefinite, Unlawful Executive Detentions; 19 Cardozo J. Int'l and Comp. L. 775; kdf)

This Note examines the availability of habeas review in executive terrorist detentions. Specifically,
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when unlawful detentions reach a point where they can be characterized as unreasonable.
Part II examines the historical evolution of habeas corpus and demonstrates that its significance as
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in Kiyemba, run counter to current understandings of the executive immigration authority.

The 1AC is a site of resistance to the power of the War Prison which allows for questions of identity and exclusion to be brought into the debate space. 

Butler ‘4 (2004, Judith Butler is a Professor of Rhetoric and Comparative Literature at U.C. Berkeley, “Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence”, pg. 98-99 – AH)
It may seem that the normative implication of my analysis is that I wish the
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those discourses that shape and deform what we mean by "the human."
Our exposure of law reveals the mythico- juridical violence of governmentality
Lewis 2013 (Tyson E. Professor of Education at Montclair State University, “Education as Free Use: Giorgio Agamben on Studious Play, Toys, and the Inoperative Schoolhouse”, Study of Philosophy Education, May 2013, Pg. 6, Vance)

Although these two readings of play—positive and negative—are interesting, they
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nor ritual but rather the zone of indistinction that lies between the two.

Voting affirmative is a unique opportunity to challenge and expose the terror of governmentality
Debrix and Barder 2012 (Francois prof of polis ci @ Virginia Tech and Alexander D. Dept of political Sci @ American U of Beirut; Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, Violence, And Horror in World Politics; p. 62-3; kdf)
Asking how the productivity of fear by way of agents/agencies of governmentalized¶
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operation that the quotidian politics¶ of terror is best maintained and reproduced.

Our recognition of Guantanamo’s subjugation of bodies allows for a political alternative.
Debrix and Barder 2012 (Francois prof of polis ci @ Virginia Tech and Alexander D. Dept of political Sci @ American U of Beirut; Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, Violence, And Horror in World Politics; p. 81-2; kdf)

In a recent analysis of Guantanamo's Camp Delta as an allegedly prototypical¶ contemporary site
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of¶ virtuality is important to contemporary instances of agonal terror and horror.

Tournament: UNT | Round: 1 | Opponent: Kckcc CG | Judge: Ashley Denney
Thus, Austin and I advocate the following: The Supreme Court of the United States should mandate in the next available test case that the president’s war power authority to indefinitely detain should be eliminated.