Tournament: CROWE WARKEN DEBATES AT NAVY | Round: 1 | Opponent: George Mason KM | Judge: Dayvon Love
We will begin with an aesthetic of imprisonment.

From Empire of the Senseless by Kathy Acker

It wasn't just my isolation. It was the evil. Prisoners are evil. ... You know why? Cause prison is a being, a social being, who is against human life. So anyone who is in prison is evil.
The fact is that all prisoners should be killed by the state and, since they haven't been, they're in actuality beyond death.
Thus, prisoners are sacred. Their lives are imaginary, imaginary as in "imaginary number," not rationally possible. (EOS, 148)

Observation 1 – War and its implications

The accumulation of capital and the form of the modern international economy takes the form of Empire. Empire is a form of sovereignty consolidated by hegemonic governments, international corporations, and organizations representing the people.

Ansaldi 2001, (Saverio, “The Multitude in Empire: Biopolitical Alternatives” in Rethinking Marxism vol. 13 no. 3-4 page 137)

Therein lies the response of imperial and biopolitical capital. The control over biopower exerted
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the multitude through the founding alliance of a deterritorialized sovereignty and real subsumption.

And war does not only manifest in the violence of those considered enemies of the United States, but it also functions to construct the way that our society, and we as parts of that society, function.
Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude page 12-13)
Of course, theorists of insurrection and revolutionary politics, particularly in the anarchist and
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functioning of power has been permeated with the threat and violence of warfare.

This is because Empire not only needs to destroy enemies that threaten the economic status quo, but also needs to create and maintain life.
Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude page 39-41)
This postmodern warfare of biopower is so clearly linked to the shifts in economic production
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and war are connected in reality and at every level of our analysis.  

And the creation of a perpetual state of emergency is key to management of populations in the name of security. The impact is perpetual war and biopolitical domination.
Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude page 30-31)   
The constant presence of an enemy and the threat of disorder are necessary in order
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us from. The presence of the enemy demonstrates the need for security. 

 
This is because the means of controlling production and generating wealth from information networks require that Empire maintain and compartmentalize instances of identities and producers. This means that Empire is in a constant decline as our capability as producers always outpaces our ability to be contained. However, the desire to maintain control over network production is what fractures universal resistance to capitalism.
Hardt and Negri 2000 (Michael and Antonio, Empire pgs. 391-392)
Such examples of corruption could be multiplied ad infinitum, but at the base of
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investigate how ultimately corruption can be forced to cede its control to generation.

Observation 2 - The debate at hand
The question of judicial or statutory restrictions is actually the guise of a democratic decision. This forecloses real means of opposing these policies and the situation that made them necessary in the first place.

Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude page 21-22)

To define war by biopower and security changes war's entire legal framework. In the
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, war has become regulating by constructing and imposing its own legal framework.
We should note that to say imperial war is regulative and ordering, and thus
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foundational sense. It is rather a means to displace and suffocate it. 

In the face of this loss of democracy we have to reply with absolute democracy. This means that the only way to stop the mechanisms that cause war in the status quo is to abdicate the structures of Empire.

Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude page 90-91)

And yet we do already know some things that can help us orient our passion
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. (Absolute democracy and exodus will be central themes of chapter 3.)

Thus our advocacy: 

We advocate that the United States Federal Government should increase statutory restrictions on the President of the United States by banning indefinite detention of all prisoners.

We think that the plan is a good idea. We also realize that we
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is what allows us to write against attempts at indefinitely detaining our subjectivity.

Houen 2006 (Alex, “Sovereignty, Biopolitics, and the Use of Literature: Michel Foucault and Kathy Acker” in Theory and Event vol. 9 no. 1)

For Alliez and Negri art or writing can thus construct discrete zones of sensation that
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by relating these techniques to experiments of contemporary writers such as Kathy Acker.
 

And the manner that we advocate the resolution matters just as much, if not more, than the advocacy itself. We say that the resolution is the result of an ontological reality that necessitates war. The illusion of a topical plan passage is a moot point – the questions of the topic will arise again and again until we choose to eradicate the root cause.

Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude page 67)

We also need to give a first sketch of the political orientation of this multitude
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. This is a condition necessary for realizing the democracy of the multitude.

Our methodology is one that resists the imprisonment of Empire and allows the affirmation of the biopolitical production of the multitude.
Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude page 101)
From the socioeconomic perspective, the multitude is the common subject of labor, that
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come out the other side, to express itself autonomously and rule itself.

And our aesthetic of imprisonment is key to re-writing aesthetics of ourselves. This is a unique method to resist Empire’s* methods of over-determining our social location and labor-productive capacity.

Houen 2006 (Alex, “Sovereignty, Biopolitics, and the Use of Literature: Michel  Foucault and Kathy Acker” in Theory and Event vol. 9 no. 1)

Acker astutely identifies a performative function of imprisonment here, one that I want to
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the individual from social control and allow a refigured self to become possible.

Tournament: IC SPRING SYDNEY LANDON IV | Round: 2 | Opponent: CornellRochester GM | Judge: Joe Schatz
Act 1: Before 9/11

We begin our affirmative by noting the political and academic awareness of the fragmentation of the social order even before the events of September 11, 2001. Much of the commentary harkened back to modernist social groups that are based in the Fordist economic system, nationalist fervor, and family bonds.

Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude pg. 190-191)

Postmodern society is characterized by the dissolution of traditional social bodies. Both sides in
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used to sustain them are no longer there. The people is missing. 

And the fragmentation of the social order also corresponded with a fragmentation of warfare.
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attacks would restore a modernist social organization that was necessary to provide security.

Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude pg. 41-43)

The close relationship between the evolving technologies of economic production and those of military destruction
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maintained the traditionalist position that large troop deployments and conventional tactics were required. 

And this year’s resolution is just as much a product of September 11th as the military and civilian policymakers’ demands to recreate a modernist society.

Talev 2013 (Margaret, “Obama Sees Sunset on Sept. 11 War Powers in Drone Limits” in Bloomberg Businessweek 24 May 2013 http://www.businessweek.com/news/2013-05-24/obama-sees-sunset-on-sept-dot-11-war-powers-with-drone-restrictions)

President Barack Obama said the broad war powers Congress approved to fight al-Qaeda after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks shouldn’t continue forever and that he’s reining in drone strikes and paving the way to close the prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.

“In the years to come, not every collection of thugs that labels themselves al-Qaeda will pose a credible threat to the United States,” the president said in an hour-long address yesterday at National Defense University in Washington.

“Unless we discipline our thinking, our definitions, our actions, we may be drawn into more wars we don’t need to fight, or continue to grant presidents unbound powers more suited for traditional armed conflicts between nation states,” Obama said. “This war, like all wars, must end. That’s what history advises. That’s what our democracy demands.”

The president’s speech was months in the works and came a day after he signed a classified document shared with key members of Congress containing details of the changes.

While calling the U.S. drone campaign justified and legal, Obama said he was tightening the rules governing who can be targeted in the strikes by unmanned aircraft.

The U.S. military, instead of the Central Intelligence Agency, will be the lead authority for drone strikes, administration officials said. Obama said he will work with Congress on how to add scrutiny to a largely secret program.

But because of the impulse to re-create modernist, social solutions to terrorism after September 11th, post-modern social movements become demonized by both academia and policymakers alike. They are characterized as monstrosities because they are “incomprehensible.”

Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude pg. 191-192)

Even when something that resembles the people does emerge on the social scene in the
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modern eyes perhaps postmodernity is indeed characterized by the end of grand narratives.

Act 2: Empire

But our argument is that the source of the resolution and the president’s war powers is Empire and that September 11th, Occupy Wall Street, and  are all acts against Empire.

Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude pg. 218)

This new global cycle of struggles will inevitably appear monstrous to many, since,
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more democratic global world. Clearly, not all monsters are the same.

And Empire is a form of sovereignty consolidated by hegemonic governments, international corporations, and organizations representing the people designed to produce capital from communicative labor. At the bottom of Empire is the Multitude which is a class of communicative and intellectual producers (not unlike ourselves).

Ansaldi 2001, (Saverio, “The Multitude in Empire: Biopolitical Alternatives” in Rethinking Marxism vol. 13 no. 3-4 page 137)

Therein lies the response of imperial and biopolitical capital. The control over biopower exerted
AND
the multitude through the founding alliance of a deterritorialized sovereignty and real subsumption.

And the treatment and characterization of terrorists as monsters after September 11th is not coincidental. This is because they represented a threat that was incomprehensible and antithetical to a policymaking realm who were blindly witnessing the many faces of the Multitude.

Puar and Rai 2002 (Jasmit K. and Amit S. “Monster, Terrorist, Fag: The War on Terrorism and the Production of Docile Patriots” in Social Text vol. 20 no. 3 Fall 2002)

In these invocations of terrorist-monsters an absolute morality separates good from a “
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of three elements that Foucault linked to the formation of the “abnormals.”
The group of abnormals was formed out of three elements whose own for- mation
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escape that normativity which is no longer the sovereignty of the law.7

According to Foucault, the monster can be both half an animal and a hybrid
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but one that was tied to multiform apparatuses of discipline as well.8
We use Foucault’s concept of monstrosity to elaborate what we consider to be central to
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double deploy- ment of the discourse of monstrosity in “terrorism studies.”
Today, we find the two figures of the monster and the person to be
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is to succeed, the United States has some serious learning to do.”
And the impact is both sides of the coin that allow for Guantanamo detainees to be tortured and protesters in  to be brutalized. 

We quote a former Guantanamo detainee Moazzam Begg:

“I say that everybody who’s been held in Guantanamo has been tortured or abused
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have done for which you’re paying the ultimate price which is your freedom.”

Act 3: The Monster in All of Us

We’ll defend that the U.S. congress should end indefinite detention. But we say that it’s more important to understand how people like Moazzam Begg are treated when they’re indefinitely detained and why they are treated like monsters. 

Thus we affirm the monstrosity of the Multitude.

Our framework for the debate is which team best affirms the power of monstrosity to create new forms of society. This means that our advocacies cannot only be reactionary to war powers but must also produce new social formations.

Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude pg. 193 – 194)

We need to find the means to realize this monstrous power of the flesh of
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danger but also a possibility, the possibility to create an alternative society.

And our advocacy solves because in this round we produce new means of communications in sites that are specifically key nodes in the production of capital from intellectual labor.

Hardt and Negri 2004 (Michael and Antonio, Multitude pg. 196 – 197)
We have seen that the flesh of the multitude produces in common in a way
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is also productive-is key to understanding all social and economic activity.

And the calls for a topical version of the affirmative re-claim debate into a seemingly neutral sphere that does not allow analysis of the ongoing epistemological denial of Empire.

Puar and Rai 2002 (Jasmit K. and Amit S. “Monster, Terrorist, Fag: The War on Terrorism and the Production of Docile Patriots” in Social Text vol. 20 no. 3 Fall 2002)

In these invocations of terrorist-monsters an absolute morality separates good from a “
AND
of three elements that Foucault linked to the formation of the “abnormals.”
The group of abnormals was formed out of three elements whose own for- mation
AND
escape that normativity which is no longer the sovereignty of the law.7